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Sacred books of China: The texts of
Confucianism,

THE

SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST

[27] a

JTontatt

HENRY FROWDE

Oxford University Press Warehouse
Amen Corner, E.C.

THE

SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST

TRANSLATED

BY VARIOUS ORIENTAL SCHOLARS

AND EDITED BY

F. MAX MULLER

VOL. XXVII

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1885

THE

SACRED BOOKS OF CHINA

THE TEXTS OF CONFUCIANISM

TRANSLATED BY

JAMES 'LEGGE

PART III
THE Lt A' I, I— X

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1885

CONTENTS.

PREFACE

PAGE

INTRODUCTION.

1AP.

Three different Li King, or Ritual Books, acknow-
ledged in China. The recovery of the first two,
and formation of the third, under the han
Dynasty.

How Confucius spoke of the Li. How Mencius spoke of
them. Now there are three Li King or three Rituals. State of
the Li books at the rise of the Han dynasty. Work of the
emperors of Han in recovering the ancient books, i. Recovery
of the 1 Li. ii. King Hsien of Ho-yfien, and his recovery of
the Kau Li. iii. Formation of the Li K\. Council of B.C. 51.
Condition in B.C. 26. Hau 3hang and the two Tais. Ma
Yung and Aang Hsiian. 3hai Yung and his manusculpt. Li of
the Greater Tai.

II. Significance of the Chinese character called Li.

Meaning of the title Li Kl. Value of the Work .

Li is a symbol of religious import, and a symbol for the feeling
of propriety. Translation of the title. The value of the
Li fd. The Li ATi as one of the five King.

III. Brief Notices of the different Books which make

up the Collection

1. KM\ Li .

2. Than Kung

3. Wang ATih

4. Yiieh Ling

5. 3ang-jze Wan

6. Wan Wang Shih-jze

7. Li Yun .

8. Li Khx .

9. ATiao Theh Sang
10. Nei 3eh .

IS
17
18

20
21

22
23

viii CONTENTS.

11. Yu3ao .... 27

12. Ming Thang Wei 28

13. Sang FQ Hsiao K\ . . ... 30

14. Ta £\van . 3°

15. Shao t 31

16. Hsio £1 32

17. Yon . . 32

18. 3a Ki .... 34

19. SangTaKl 34

20. Ka Fa 35

21. Kit 36

22. K\ Thung 37

23. ATing iTieh .... ... 38

24. Ai Kung Wan 39

25. isTung-m Yen Kn ... 40

26. Khung-^ze Hsien Kii . . 41

27. Fang K\ -41

28. /(Tung Yung 42

29. Piao K\ -44

30. 3ze I -45

31. Pan Sang 46

32. Wan Sang 47

33. Fu Wan . . 4§

34. Kien Kwan . . 4$

35. San Nien Wan 49

36. Shan 1 -5°

37. Thau Hu 5°

38. ZQHsing 51

39. Ta Hsio 53

40. Kwan 1 54

41. Hwan I .......... 55

42. Hsiang Yin ATiu t 56

43. She f 56

44. Yen I 57

45. Phing t 58

46. Sang Fu Sze Kih 59

BOOK

I. Khu LI or Summary of the Rules of Propriety.

Section I.

Part I 61

„ II . ... .67

„ III • • 73

,. IV 83

„ V . . . . . . 90

CONTENTS.

Section II.

Part I .

„ II • • •
„ III . . .

II. The Than Rung.

Section I.

Part

III

Pait

Section II.

„ III . . .

Appendix to Book II
Plates I-VI after page 208.

III. The Royal Regulations.

Section I

III

IV
V

Yueh Ling or Proceedings of Governmen
different Months.

Section I.

Part I

..II

T IN

THE

„ III

Part I .
„ II . . .
„ III . . .

Supplementary Section

Section II.

Section III.

109
114

120
132
H7

161

173
187
202

209
212
222
230
240

249
257
262

268
272
276
280

Part I 283

„ II 286

„ HI 291

Section IX.

Part I 296

„ H 301

„ HI 306

X CONTENTS.

BOOK PAGE

V. The Questions of 3ang-jze.

Section I 311

» II 328

VI. Wan Wang Shih-jze or King Wan as Son and Heir.
Section I 343

„ II - 353

VII. The Li Yun or Ceremonial Usages ;— their Origin,

Development, and Intention.

Section I 364

„ II . . . 372

III 38o

„ iv 385

VIII. The LI Kh\ or Rites in the Formation of Character.

Section I 394

„ II 404

IX. The Kiko Theh Sang or the Single Victim at the

Border Sacrifices.

Section I 416

„ II 426

„ III 437

X. The Nei 3eh or the Pattern of the Family.

Section I 449

„ II 464

Transliteration of Oriental Alphabets adopted for the Trans-
lations of the Sacred Books of the East . . . .481

PREFACE.

I MAY be permitted to express my satisfaction that, with
the two volumes of the Li K\ now published, I have done,
so far as translation is concerned, all and more than all
which I undertook to do on the Chinese Classics more than
twenty-five years ago. When the first volume was pub-
lished in 1861, my friend, the late Stanislas Julien, wrote to
me, asking if I had duly considered the voluminousness of
the Li K\, and expressing his doubts whether I should be
able to complete my undertaking. Having begun the task,
however, I have pursued it to the end, working on with some
unavoidable interruptions, and amidst not a few other
engagements.

The present is the first translation that has been published
in any European language of the whole of the Li K\. In
1853 the late J. M. Callery published at the Imprimerie
Royale, Turin, what he called 'Li Ki, ou Memorial des
Rites, traduit pour la premiere fois du Chinois, et accom-
pagne de Notes, de Commentaires, et du Texte Original.'
But in fact the text which P. Callery adopted was only an
expurgated edition, published by Fan 3ze-tang, a scholar
of the Yuan dynasty, as commented on and annotated by
A"au K'xh, whose well-known work appeared in 171 1, the
50th year of the Khang-hsi reign or period1. Callery has
himself called attention to this in his introduction, and it is
to be regretted that he did not indicate it in the title-
page of his book. Fan's text omits entirely the 5th, 12th,
13th, 19th, 28th, 31st, 32nd, 33rd, 34th, 35th, 37th, and
39th Books in my translation, while of most of the others,

' The Si IE f I si A £. O* S^' for which Callery gives~

; Combinaison des Commentaires Ta Tsiien (le Grand Complet) et Chu (l'expli-
cation), d'apres le sens original du Memorial des rites.' Aau A'ih (yJJJ jw&)
has the alias of Aau Tan-lin (Q M(\.

Xll PREFACE.

' a good third ' has been expurgated. I do not think that
Callery's version contains above one half of the Li K\, as
it is found in the great editions of the Thang and present
dynasties. The latter of these was commanded in an
imperial rescript in 1748, the 13th year of the AVnen-lung
period. The committee charged with its execution con-
sisted of 85 dignitaries and scholars, who used the previous
labours of 244 authors, besides adding, on many of the
most difficult passages, their own remarks and decisions,
which are generally very valuable.

My own version is based on a study of these two im-
perial collections, and on an extensive compilation, made
specially for my use by my Chinese friend and former
helper, the graduate Wang Thao, gathered mostly from
more recent writers of the last 250 years. The AV/ien-lung
editors make frequent reference to the work of K/ia.n Hao,
which appeared in 1322 under the modest title of, ' A
Collection of Remarks on the Li ATI1.' This acquired so
great a celebrity under the Ming dynasty, that, as Callery
tells us, an edict was issued in 1403 appointing it the
standard for the interpretation of the Classic at the public
examinations ; and this pre-eminence was accorded to it
on to the K/iien-lung period. The whole of the Li K\ is
given and expounded by K/tan, excepting the 28th and
39th Books, which had long been current as portions of 'The
Four Books.' I may say that I have read over and over,
and with much benefit, every sentence in his comments.
Forming my own judgment on every passage, now agreeing
with him and now differing, and frequently finding reason
to attach a higher value to the views of the AT/zien-lung
editors, I must say that ' he deserves well ' of the Li K\.
His volumes are characterised by a painstaking study of
the original text, and an honest attempt to exhibit the
logical connexion of thought in its several parts.

1 ftja. HE ^H 1>L' The author has the aliases for Hao of Kho Ta

(^f JZ)> Yiin ^wanS (# $£)• and TunS H"i OH |S) J the last,
I suppose, from his having lived near the lake so called.

PREFACE. Xlll

P. Callery's translation of his expurgated text is for the
most part well executed, and his notes, of which I have
often made use, are admirable. I have also enjoyed the
benefit of the more recent work, ' Curs us Litteraturae
Sinicae,'by P. Angelo Zottoli, in whom the scholarship of
the earlier Jesuit missionaries has revived. In his third
volume, published at Shang-hai in 1880, there are good
translations of the 1st, 5th, 10th, 20th, 21st, and 22nd
Books ; while the 28th and 39th are in his second volume.
In the Latin which he employs, according to the traditions
of his church and what is still a practice of some scholars,
he is able to be more brief in his renderings than Caller}'
and myself, but perhaps not so satisfactory to readers
generally. I also referred occasionally to Signor Carlo
Puini's ' Li-Ki : Instituzioni. Usi e Costumanze della Cina
antica ; Traduzione, Commento e Note (Fascicolo Primo ;
Firenze, 1883).'

The present translation is, as I said above, the first pub-
lished in any European language of the whole of the Li K\ ;
but another had existed in manuscript for several years, —
the work of Mr. Alexander Wylie, now unhappily, by loss
of eye-sight and otherwise failing health, laid aside from his
important Chinese labours. I was fortunate enough to
obtain possession of this when I had got to the 35th Book
in my own version, and, in carrying the sheets through
the press, I have constantly made reference to it. It was
written at an early period of Mr. Wylie's Chinese studies,
and is not such as a Sinologist of his attainments and
research would have produced later on. Still I have been
glad to have it by me, though I may venture to say that,
in construing the paragraphs and translating the cha-
racters, I have not been indebted in a single instance to
him or P. Callery. The first six Books, and portions of
several others, had been written out, more than once,
before I finally left China in 1873; but I began again at
the beginning, early in 1883, in preparing the present
version. I can hardly hope that, in translating so ex-
tensive and peculiar a work, descriptive of customs and

XIV PREFACE.

things at so remote a period of time, and without the
assistance of any Chinese graduate with whom I could
have talked over complicated and perplexing paragraphs,
I may not have fallen into some mistakes ; but I trust
they will be found to be very few. My simple and only
aim has been, first, to understand the text for myself,
and then to render it in English, fairly and as well as
I could in the time attain to, for my readers.

J.L.

Oxford,
July 10, 1885.

THE LI K\

COLLECTION OF TREATISES ON THE RULES
OF PROPRIETY OR CEREMONIAL USAGES.

THE LI ATI

COLLECTION OF TREATISES ON THE RULES
OF PROPRIETY OR CEREMONIAL USAGES.

INTRODUCTION.

CHAPTER I.

Three different Li King, or Ritual Books, ac-
knowledged in China. The recovery of the
first two, and formation of the third,
under the Han Dynasty.

i. Confucius said, 'It is by the Odes that the mind is
aroused ; by the Rules of Propriety that the character is
How Confucius established ; from Music that the finish is
spoke of the Li. received1.'' On another occasion he said,
' Without the Rules of Propriety, respectfulness becomes
laborious bustle; carefulness, timidity; boldness, insubor-
dination ; and straightforwardness, rudeness1.'

These are two specimens of the manner in which Confu-
cius expressed himself about the Li, the Rules of Propriety
or Ceremonial Usages, recognised in his time. It is a
natural inference from his language that there were Collec-
tions of such Rules which could be read and studied ; but
he does not expressly say so.

The language of Mencius was more definite. In at least
two passages of his works we find the usual form of quota-
How Mencius tion Li Yueh, 'The Li says2,' which, ac-
spoke of them. cortjing to the analogy of Shih Yueh, ' The
Shih King, or Book of Poetry, says,' might be rendered,

1 Confucian Analects, Book VIII, S and i.

2 Works of Mencius, II, Part ii, 2.5; III, Part ii, 3. 3.

[27] B

2 THE LI kL CH. I.

'The Li King says.' In another passage, he says to a Mr.
A"ing K/iun, ' Have you not read the Li1?' It does not
appear that Mencius was always referring to one and the
same collection of Li ; but it is clear that in his time there
were one or more such collections current and well known
among his countrymen.

There are now three Chinese classics into which the name
_T _, Li enters: — the I Li, the A'au Li, and the Li

Now there are

three Li King, K\, frequently styled, both by the Chinese
or three Rituals. themselves and by sinologists, 'The Three

Rituals2.' The first two are books of the A^au dynasty
(B.C. 1122-225). The third, of which a complete trans-
lation is given in the present work, may contain passages
of an earlier date than either of the others ; but as a collec-
tion in its present form, it does not go higher than the Han
dynasty, and was not completed till our second century. It
has, however, taken a higher position than those others, and
is ranked with the Shu, the Shih, the Yi, and the Khun
K/tiu, forming one of 'The Five King,' which are acknow-
ledged as the books of greatest authority in China. Other
considerations besides antiquity have given, we shall see,
its eminence to the Li K\.

2. The monuments of the ancient literature, with the
exception, perhaps, of the Yi King, were in a condition of
State of the Li disorder and incompleteness at the rise of the
b°ofkthetHanriSe Han dynasty (B. C. 206). This was the case
dynasty. especially with the I Li and Kkw Li. They
had suffered, with the other books, from the fires and pro-
scription of the short-lived dynasty of Khin, the founder of
which was bent especially on their destruction3 ; and during
the closing centuries of A"au, in all the period of 'The War-
ring Kingdoms,'" they had been variously mutilated by the
contending princes4.

1 Works of Mencius, III, ii, 2> 2.

2 See Wylie's Notes on Chinese Literature, p. 4, and Mayers' Chinese Reader's
Manual, p. 300.

3 Sze-ma. Alien's Biographies, Book 61 (fs|f JfiK T=y- )• P- 5b. Other
testimonies to the fact could be adduced.

4 Mencius V, ii, 2. 2. See also the note of Liu Hsin, appended to his
catalogue of Li works, in the Imperial library of Han.

CH. I. INTRODUCTION.

em
in

The sovereigns of Han undertook the task of gathering
Work of the up and arranging the fragments of the ancient

?eCcovSedn,Hthe books> and executed it well. In B.C. 213
ancient books. Shih Hwang Ti of KJivsx had promulgated
his edict forbidding any one to hide and keep in his posses-
sion the old writings. This was repealed in B. C. 191 by the
emperor Hui, so that it had been in existence only twenty-
two years, during most of which, we may presume, it had been
inoperative. Arrangements were also made to receive and
preserve old tablets which might be presented1, and to take
down in writing what scholars might be able to repeat. In
B. c. 164, the emperor Wan ordered 'the Great Scholars' of
his court to compile ' the Royal Ordinances,' the fifth of
the Books in our Li KV1.

i. Internal evidence shows that when this treatise was

Recovery of made, the 1 Li, or portions of it at least,
the 1 Li. hac[ been recovered ; and with this agrees the
testimony of Sze-ma K/nen, who was born perhaps in that
very year3, and lived to between B. c. 90 and 80. In the
61st Book of his Biographies, referred to in a note above,
K/nen says, ' Many of the scholars repeated (parts of) the
Li ; but no other of them so much as Kao Thang of Lu ;
and now we have only the Shih Li, which he was able to
recite.' In harmony with this statement of the great
historian, is the first entry in Liu Hsin's Catalogue of Li
books in the Imperial library of Han: — '56 £uan or
sections of Li in the old text, and 17 phi en in the (current)
text (of the time) ;' forming, as is universally believed, the
present 1 Li, for which the Shih Li of A7/ien is merely
another name.

That Kao Thang should have been able to dictate so much
of the work will not be thought wonderful by those who

1 Such was the ' Stone-Conduit Gallery,' which Mayers (Manual, p. 185)
describes as a building erected by Hsiao Ho at A7/ang-an for the reception of the
records of the extinct A7/in dynasty, about B.C. 200, adding that 'in B.C. 51, the
emperor Hsiian appointed a commission of scholars to assemble in this build-
ing, and complete the revision of the classical writings.' But it had also been
intended from the first as a repository for those writings as they were recovered.

2 See the General Mirror of History under that year.

3 Mayers puts his birth ' about B. C. 163,' and his death ' about 85.'

B 2

THE LI Kl. CH. I.

are familiar with the power of memory displayed by many
Chinese scholars even at the present day. The sections in
the old text were found in the reign of the emperor Wu
(B.C. 140-87), and came into the possession of his brother,
known as king Hsien of Ho-klen, We do not know how
much this mass of tablets added to the 1 Li, as we now
have it, but they confirmed the genuineness of the portion
obtained from Kao.

ii. The recovery of the A'au Li came not long after, and
through the agency of the same king Hsien. No one did
King Hsien of so much as he in the restoration of the ancient
h^recm-erytf literature. By name Teh, and one of the four-
ths A'au Li. teen sons of the emperor King (b. c. 156-141 ),
he was appointed by his father, in B. C. 155, king of Ho-£ien,
which is still the name of one of the departments of ATih-li,
and there he continued till his death, in 129, the patron of
all literary men, and unceasingly pursuing his quest for
old books dating from before the A7/in dynasty. Multi-
tudes came to him from all quarters, bringing to him the
precious tablets which had been preserved in their families
or found by them elsewhere. The originals he kept in his
own library, and had a copy taken, which he gave to the
donor with a valuable gift. We are indebted to him in
this way for the preservation of the Tao Teh King, the
works of Mencius, and other precious treasures ; but I have
only to notice here his services in connexion with the Li
books1.

Some one2 brought to him the tablets of the A'au Li,
then called A'au Kwan, 'The Official Book of A'au/ and
purporting to contain a complete account of the organised
government of the dynasty of A'au in six sections. The
sixth section, however, which should have supplied a list
of the officers in the department of the minister of Works,

1 See the account of king Hsien in the twenty - third chapter of the Bio-
graphies in the History of the first Han dynasty. Hsien was the king's

• posthumous title ( jejw, denoting ' The Profound and Intelligent.'

2 The Catalogue of the Sui Dynasty's (a. D. 589-618) Imperial library says
this was a scholar of the surname Li (35)- I have been unable to trace the
authority for the statement farther back.

CH. I.

INTRODUCTION. 5

with their functions, was wanting, and the king offered to
pay iooo pieces of gold to any one who should supply the
missing tablets, but in vain1. He presented the tablets
which he had obtained at the court of his half-brother, the
emperor Wu ; but the treasure remained uncared for in one
of the imperial repositories till the next century ; when it
came into the charge of Liu Hsin. Hsin replaced the
missing portion from another old work, called Khao Kung
Ki, which Wylie renders by 'The Artificers' Record.' This
has ever since continued to appear as the sixth section of
the whole work, for the charge of which Hsin obtained the
appointment of a special board of scholars, such as had
from the first been entrusted with the care of the 1 Li.
The Ka.u Li is a constitutional and not a ritual work.
The last entry in Hsin's Catalogue of Li Books is : — 'The
Kan Kwan in six sections; and a treatise on the A'au
Kwan in four sections.' That is the proper name for it.
It was not called the Kku Li till the Thang dynasty2.

iii. We come to the formation of the text of the Li K\,
in which we are more particularly interested. We cannot

Formation of speak of its recovery, for though parts of
the Li A'i. jt hacj been jn existence during the Ka\u
dynasty, many of its Books cannot claim a higher anti-
quity than the period of the Han. All that is known
about the authorship of them all will be found in the
notices which form the last chapter of this Introduction.

After the entry in Liu Hsin's Catalogue about the re-

1 This is related in the Catalogue of the Sui dynasty. It could not be in
A'/uen's sixty-first chapter of Biographies, because the A'au Kwan was not
known, or, at least, not made public, in AVnen's time. The Sui writers, no
doubt, took it from some biography of the Han, which has escaped me.

2 A complete translation of the A'au Li appeared at Paris in 1851, the work
of Edward Biot, who had died himself before its publication, before his fiftieth
year. According to a note in Callery's ' Memorial des Rites ' (p. 191), the
labour of its preparation hastened Biot's death. There are some errors in the
version, but they are few. I have had occasion to refer to hundreds of passages
in it, and always with an increasing admiration of the author's general resources
and knowledge of Chinese. His early death was the greatest loss which the
cause of sinology has sustained. His labours, chiefly on Chinese subjects, had
been incessant from 1835. The perusal of them has often brought to my
memory the words of Newton, 'If Mr. Cotes had lived, we should have known
something.' Is there no sinologist who will now undertake a complete transla-
tion of the 1 Li?

6 THE -LI k1. CH. I.

covered text of the 1 Li, there follows — '131 phien of
K\j that is, so many different records or treatises on
the subject of Li. These had also been collected by king
Hsien, and Ki\ Hsi's note about them is that they were
'Treatises composed by the disciples of the seventy dis-
ciples,' meaning by 'the seventy disciples' those of Con-
fucius' followers who had been most in his society and
profited most from his instructions. These 131 phien
contained, no doubt, the germ of our Li K\; but there
they remained for about a century in the imperial re-
positories, undigested and uncared for, and constantly
having other treatises of a similar nature added to them.

At last, in B.C. 51, the emperor Hsiian (B.C. 73-47)
convoked a large assembly of Great Scholars to meet in

Council of tne Stone-Conduit Gallery, and discuss the
BC-5I- text of the recovered classics 1. A prominent
member of this assembly, the president of it I suppose,
was Liu Hsiang, himself a celebrated writer and a scion
of the imperial house, who appears to have had the prin-
cipal charge of all the repositories. Among the other
members, and in special connexion with the Li works,
we find the name of Tai Shang, who will again come
before us2.

We do not know what the deliberations of the Great
Scholars resulted in, but twenty-five years later the em-
peror K/iang caused another search to be
made throughout the empire for books that
might hitherto have escaped notice ; and, when it was
completed, he ordered Hsiang to examine all the contents
of the repositories, and collate the various copies of the
classics. From this came the preparation of a catalogue ;
and Hsiang dying at the age of seventy-two, in B. c. 9,
before it was completed, the work was delegated to his
third and youngest son Hsin. His catalogue we hap-
pily possess. It mentions, in addition to the I Li and

1 See the Details in the General Mirror of History, under B. c. 51.

2 See the 58th Book of Biographies (j^ %k) in the History of the first
Han, and the Catalogue of the Sui Library.

CH. I. INTRODUCTION.

Ka.u Li, 199 phien of Li treatises. The resume ap-
pended to the Li books in the Catalogue of the Sui
Dynasty, omitting works mentioned by Hsin, and inserting
two others, says that Hsiang had in his hands altogether
214 phien. What was to be done with this mass of
tablets, or the written copies made from them ?

The most distinguished of the Li scholars in the time
of the emperors Hsiian and K/iang was a Hau 3nang> the
H£u 3hang and author of the compilation called in Hsin's
thetwoTais. Catalogue K/ii\ Tai K\; and two of his
disciples, Tai Teh and Tai Shang, cousins \ the name of
the latter of whom has already been mentioned as a
member of the council of B.C. 51, were also celebrated
for their ability. Teh, the older of the two, and commonly
called Ta Tai, or ' the Greater Tai,' while Hsiang was yet
alive, digested the mass of phien, and in doing so reduced
their number to 85. The younger, called Hsiao Tai, or
'the Lesser Tai,' doing the same for his cousin's work,
reduced it to 46 treatises. This second condensation of the
Li documents met with general acceptance, and was styled
the Li K\. Shang himself wrote a work in twelve chapters,
called ' A Discussion of the Doubts of Scholars about the
Li K\l which, though now lost, was existing in the time
of Sui. Through Khiko Zan and others, scholars of renown
in their day, the redaction passed on to the well-known

Ma Yung and Ma Yung (A. D. 79~l66)> who added t0

-.ATang Hsiian. Shang's books the Yiieh Ling, the Ming

1 Sinologists, without exception I believe, have called Shang a 'nephew' of
Teh, overlooking the way in which the relationship between them is expiessed

in Chinese. Shang is always Teh's $£ j^ £. ~f*' and not simply -^t
■£? -?*. Foreign students have overlooked the force of the phrase -y^ J^

and, more fully, ^ ^C JOf Teh and Shang's father had the same grand'
father, and were themselves the sons of brothers. They were therefore what we
call first cousins, and Teh and Shang were second cousins. The point is unim-
portant, but it is well to be correct even in- small matters. Not unimportant,
however, is the error of Callery (Introduction, p. 6), who says, ' Le neveu,
homme deprave, beaucoup plus adonne aux plaisirs, qua l'etude, retrancha
encore davantage et fixa le nombre des chapitres a 46.' No such stigma rests on
the character of Tai Shang, and I am sure translators have reason to be grateful
to him for condensing, as he did, the result of his cousin's labours.

8 THE LI Kt CH. I.

Thang Wei, and the Yo K\ making their number in all
forty-nine, though, according to the arrangement adopted
in the present translation, they still amount only to forty-
six. From Ma, again, it passed to his pupil A'ang Hsiian
(a. D. 127-200), in whom he was obliged to acknowledge
a greater scholar than himself.

Thus the Li K\ was formed. It is not necessary to
pursue its history farther. Kang was the scholar of his
age, and may be compared, in scholarship, with the later
Ku Hsi. And he has been fortunate in the preservation
of his works. He applied himself to all the three Rituals,
and his labours on them all, the A'au Li, the 1 Li, and the
Li Am, remain. His commentaries on them are to be found
in the great work of 'The Thirteen King' of the Thang
dynasty. There they appear, followed by the glosses, illus-
trations, and paraphrases of Khung Ying-ta.

In A. D. 175, while Afang was yet alive, 3hai Yung, a
scholar and officer of many gifts, superintended the work
3hai Yung and of engraving on stone the text of all the
his manuscript. Confucian classics. Only fragments of that
great manusculpt remain to the present day, but others of
the same nature were subsequently made. We may feel
assured that we have the text of the Li K\ and other old
Chinese books, as it was 1800 years ago, more correctly
than any existing manuscripts give us that of any works
of the West, Semitic, or Greek, or Latin, of anything like
equal antiquity.

3. A few sentences on the Li of the Greater Tai will fitly
close this chapter. He handed down his voluminous com-
Lt of the pilation to a Hsu Liang of Lang Yeh in the
Greater Tai. present Shan-tung \ and in his family it was
transmitted ; but if any commentaries on it were pub-
lished, there is no trace of them in history. As the shorter
work of his cousin obtained a wide circulation, his fell into
neglect, and, as Ku 1-jun says, was simply put upon the shelf.
Still there appears in the Sui Catalogue these two entries : —
'The Li K\ of Ta Tai, in 13 Sections,' and 'The Hsi a

l»H,*#»>g*IJ*&ffi-

CH. II. INTRODUCTION.

Hsiao Kang, in i Section,' with a note by the editor
that it was compiled by Ta Tai. This little tractate may,
or may not, have been also included in one of the 13
Sections. There are entries also about Ta Tai's work in
the catalogues of the Thang and Sung dynasties, which
have given rise to many discussions. Some of the Sung
scholars even regarded it as a 14th King. In the large
collection of ' Books of Han and Wei,' a portion of the
Li of Ta Tai is still current, 39 Books in 10 Sections,
including the fragment of the Hsia dynasty, of which a
version, along with the text, was published in 1882 by
Professor Douglas of King's College, under the title of
' The Calendar of the Hsia Dynasty.' I have gone over
all the portion in the Han and Wei Collection, and must
pronounce it very inferior to the compilation of the Hsiao
or Lesser Tai. This inferiority, and not the bulk, merely,
was the reason why from the first it has been compara-
tively little attended to.

CHAPTER II.

Significance of the Chinese Character called
Li. Meaning of the title Li Ki. Value of
the Work.

1. The Chinese character Li admits of a great variety

of terms in translating a work where it abounds into any

of our western languages. In order fully to apprehend its

significance, we must try to get hold of the fundamental

ideas which it was intended to convey. And these are two.

First, when we consult the Shwo Wan, the oldest Chinese

Li is a symbol dictionary, we find Li defined as 'a step or

of religious act; that whereby we serve spiritual beings

and obtain happiness.' The character was to

the author, Hsu Shan, an ideagram of religious import ; and

we can see that he rightly interpreted the intention of its

maker or makers. It consists of two elements, separately

called kkih. and ll1. That on the left is the symbol,

'jp+fi=ffi-

IO THE Li k\.

CH. If.

determining the category of meaning to which the com-
pound belongs. It was the earliest figure employed to
indicate spiritual beings, and enters into characters de-
noting spirits, sacrifices, and prayer1. That on the
right, called li, is phonetic, but even it is the symbol for
'a vessel used in performing rites;' and if, as the Khang-
hsi dictionary seems to say, it was anciently used alone
for the present compound, still the spiritual significance
would attach to it, and the addition of the kh'xh to com-
plete the character, whensoever it was made, shows that
the makers considered the rites in which the vessel was
used to possess in the first place a religious import.

Next, the character is used, in moral and philosophical
disquisitions, to designate one of the primary constituents
of human nature. Those, as set forth by Mencius, are

T A . , , four ; ' not fused into us from without/ not

Li is a symbol '

for the feeling produced, that is, by any force of circum-
propne y. S{-anceS) hiit, ' belonging naturally to us, as
our four limbs do.' They are benevolence (^an), righteous-
ness (i), propriety (li), and understanding (k\\\). Our pos-
session of the first is proved by the feeling of distress at
the sight of suffering ; of the second, by our feelings of
shame and dislike ; of the third, by our feelings of modesty
and courtesy ; of the fourth, by our consciousness of ap-
proving and disapproving 2.

Thus the character li, in the concrete application of it,
denotes the manifestations, and in its imperative use, the
rules, of propriety. This twofold symbolism of it — the
religious and the moral — must be kept in mind in the study
of our classic. A life ordered in harmony with it would
realise the highest Chinese ideal, and surely a very high
ideal, of human character.

But never and nowhere has it been possible for men to
maintain this high standard of living. In China and else-
where the li have become, in the usages of society in its
various relationships, matters of course, forms without the

1 E.g. jfj^ (shan),^ {kt), J0f{k/ri).

2 Mencius, II, i, 6; VI, i, 6. j.

CH. II. INTRODUCTION. I I

spirit, and hence we cannot always translate the character
by the same term. It would be easy to add to the number
of words, more or less synonymous, in French or English
or any other Aryan language, which Callery has heaped
together in the following passage: — 'Autant que possible,
j'ai traduit Li par le mot Rite, dont le sens est susceptible
aune grande etendue ; mais il faut convenir que, suivant les
circonstances ou il est employe, il peut signifier — Cere-
monial, Ceremonies, Pratiques ceremoniales, L 'etiquette,
Politesse, Urbanite, Courtoisie, Honnetete, Bonnes manieres,
Egards, Bonne education, Bienseance, Les formes, Les
convenances, Savoir-vivre, Decorum, Decence, Dignite per-
sonnels, Moralite de conduite, Ordre Social, Devoirs de
Societe, Lois Sociales, Devoirs, Droit, Morale, Lois hierar-
chiques, Offrande, Usages, CoutumesV I have made little
use in my translation of the word Rite or Rites, which
Callery says he had endeavoured to adhere to as much as
possible, but I do not think I have allowed myself so much
liberty in other terms in my English as he has done in his
French. For the symbol in the title I have said ' Rules
of Propriety or Ceremonial Usages.'

2. The meaning of the title — Li K\ — need not take us

so long. There is no occasion to say more on the signi-

Transktion of ficance of Li ; the other character, K\, should

the title. jlave a piurai force given to jt. What unity

belongs to the Books composing it arises from their being
all, more or less, occupied with the subject of Li. Each
one, or at least each group, is complete in itself. Each is
a K\ ; taken together, they are so many K\ s. Only into
the separate titles of seven of them, the 13th, 16th, 17th,
18th, 19th, 27th, and 29th, does the name of K\ enter.
That character is the symbol for ' the recording of things
one by one,' and is often exchanged for another Ki2, in
which the classifying element is sze, the symbol for 'a
packet of cocoons,' the compound denoting the unwinding

1 Introduction, p. 16.

2 The classifier of A'i in the title is =~ vyen), the symbol of words ; that of
thisA'i(|(J)is J^(sze).

12 THE LI Kl. CH. ir.

and arrangement of the threads1. Wylie's ' Book of Rites'
and Callery's ' Memorial des Rites ' always failed to give
me a definite idea of the nature of our classic. Sze-ma
K/rien's work is called Sze Ki2, or ' Historical Records,'
and Li K\ might in the same way be rendered 'Cere-
monial Records,' but I have preferred to give for the title —
' A Collection of Treatises on the Rules of Propriety or
Ceremonial Usages.'

3. The value of the work has been discussed fully by
P. Callery in the sixth paragraph of the Introduction to
The value of the his translation of an abbreviated edition of
Ll Au it, and with much of what he has said I am
happy to feel myself in accord. I agree with him, for
instance, that the book is ' the most exact and complete
monography which the Chinese nation has been able to
give of itself to the rest of the human race.' But this
sentence occurs in a description of the Chinese spirit, which
is little better than a caricature. ' Le ceremonial,' he
says, ' resume l'esprit Chinois. . . . Ses affections, si elle en
a, sont satisfaites par le ceremonial ; ses devoirs, elle les
remplit au moyen du ceremonial ; la vertu et le vice, elle
les reconnait au ceremonial ; en un mot, pour elle le cere-
monial c'est l'homme, l'homme moral, l'homme politique,
I'homme religieux, dans ses multiples rapports avec la
famille, la societe, l'etat, la morale et la religion.'

To all this representation the first sentence of our classic
is a sufficient reply: — 'Always and in everything let there
be reverence.' In hundreds of other passages the same
thing is insisted on, — that ceremony without an inspiring
reverence is nothing. I do not deny that there is much
attention to forms in China with a forgetfulness of the
spirit that should animate them. But where is the nation
against whose people the same thing may not be charged ?
The treaties of western nations with China contain an
article stipulating for the toleration of Chinese Christians
on the ground that ' The Christian religion, as professed by

1 Structure of Chinese Characters, p. 132.

IB-

16 IP-

CH. II. INTRODUCTION. 1 3

Protestants or Roman Catholics, inculcates the practice of
virtue, and teaches man to do as he would be done by1.'
Scores of Chinese, officers, scholars, and others, have, in
conversations with myself, asked if such were indeed the
nature of Christianity, appealing at the same time to
certain things which they alleged that made them doubt
it. All that can be said in the matter is this, that as
the creeds of men elsewhere are often better than their
practice, so it is in China. Whether it be more so there
or here is a point on which different conclusions will be
come to, according to the knowledge and prejudices of the
speculators.

More may be learned about the religion of the ancient
Chinese from this classic than from all the others toge-
ther. Where the writers got their information about the
highest worship and sacrifices of the most ancient times,
and about the schools of Shun, we do not know. They
expressed the views, doubtless, that were current during the
Han dynasty, derived partly from tradition, and partly from
old books which were not gathered up, or, possibly, from
both those sources. But let not readers expect to find in
the Li K\ anything like a theology. The want of dog-
matic teaching of religion in the Confucian system may not
be all a disadvantage and defect ; but there is a certain
amount of melancholy truth in the following observations
of Callery: — 'Le Li A'i, celui de tous les King ou les ques-
tions religieuses auraient du etre traitees tout naturellement,
a propos des sacrifices au Ciel, aux Dieux tutelaires, et
aux ancctres, glisse legerement sur tout ce qui est de pure
speculation, et ne mentionne ces graves matieres qu'avec
une extreme indifference. Selon moi ceci prouve deux
choses : la premiere, que dans les temps anciens les plus
grand gcnies de la Chine n'ont possede sur le createur, sur
la nature et les destinees de lame, que dcs notions obscures,
incertaincs et souvent contradictoires ; la seconde, que les
Chinois possedcnt a un tres faible degre le sentiment re-
ligieux, et qu'ils n'eprouvent pas, comme les races de

1 From the eighth article in the Treaty with Great Britain, 1858.

14 the l! kL

CH. II.

1'occident, le besoin imperieux de sonder les mysteres du
monde invisible.'

The number of the K\ that are devoted to the subject
of the mourning rites shows how great was the regard of
the people for the departed members of their families. The
solidarity of the family, and even the solidarity of the race,
is a sentiment which has always been very strong among
them. The doctrine of filial piety has also the prominence
in several Books which we might expect.

As to the philosophical and moral ideas which abound in
the work, they are, as Callery says, ' in general, sound and
profound.' The way in which they are presented is not
unfrequently eccentric, and hedged about with absurd
speculations on the course of material nature, but a pro-
longed study of the most difficult passages will generally
bring to light what Chinese scholars call a tao-li, a
ground of reason or analogy, which interests and satisfies
the mind.

4. The position that came gradually to be accorded to
the Li K\ as one of ' The Five King,' par excellence,

_, TA T„ was a tribute to its intrinsic merit. It did

The Li A 1 as

one of the Five not, like the A"au Li, treat of matters pecu-
liar to one dynasty, but of matters important
in all time; nor like the 1 Li, of usages belonging to one or
more of the official classes, but of those that concerned all
men. The category of ' Five King' was formed early, but
the ' Three Rituals ' were comprehended in it as of equal
value-, and formed one subdivision of it. So it was early in
the Thang dynasty when the collection of ' The Thirteen
King ' was issued ; but ere the close of that dynasty our
classic had made good its eminence over the other two
Rituals. In the 29th chapter of the Monographs of Thang,
page 17, it is said, 'To the charge of each of the Five
King two Great Scholars were appointed. The Yi of A'au,
the Shang Shu, the Shih of Mao, the Khun K/nii, and the
Li K\ are the Five King.'

CH. in. BK. I. INTRODUCTION. 1 5

CHAPTER III.

Brief Notices of the different Books which
make up the collection.

Book I. Kh\j LI.

This first Book in the collection is also the longest, and
has been divided because of its length into two Books.
In this translation, however, it appears only as one Book
in two Sections, which again are subdivided, after the
A7/ien-lung editors, into five Parts and three Parts respec-
tively.

The name Khxx Li is taken from the first two characters
in the first paragraph, and the first sentence, 'The Khxx Li
says,' extends over all that follows to the end of the Book.
P. Callery, indeed, puts only the first paragraph within in-
verted commas, as if it alone were from the Khxx Li, and
the rest of the Book were by a different hand. He trans-
lates the title by 'Rites Divers,' and to his first sentence,
'Le Recueil des rites divers d it,' appends the fol-
lowing note : — ' This work, that for a very long time has
been lost, was, so far as appears, one of those collections of
proverbs and maxims with which philosophy has com-
menced among nearly all peoples. Although the author
does not say so, it is probable that this chapter and the
next contain an analysis of that ancient collection, for the
great unconnectedness which we find in it agrees well with
the variety indicated by the title Khxx Li.' My own
inference from the text, however, is what I have stated
above, that the Book is a transcript of the Khxx Li, and
not merely a condensation of its contents, or a redaction
of them by a different author.

It is not easy to translate the title satisfactorily. Accord-
ing to A'ang Hstian (or A'ang Khang-XV^ang), the earliest
of all the great commentators on the Li K\, 'The Book
is named Khxx Li, because it contains matters relating
to all the five ceremonial categories. What is said in it
about sacrifices belongs to the ': auspicious ceremonies ; "

1 6 THE Li K\.

CH. III.

about the rites of mourning, and the loss or abandonment
of one's state, to the " inauspicious ;" about the payment of
tributory dues and appearances at the royal court, to " the
rites of hospitality;" about weapons, chariots, and banners,
" to those of war ;" and about serving elders, reverencing
the aged, giving offerings or presents, and the marriage of
daughters, to the " festive ceremonies." On this view the
title would mean ' Rules belonging to the different classes
of ceremonies,' or, more concisely, the ' Rites Divers' of
Callery; and Mr.Wylie has called the Book 'The Universal
Ritual.'

But this rendering of the title does not suit the proper
force of the character Kkxn, which is the symbol of 'being
bent or crooked,' and is used, with substantival meaning,
for what is small and appears irregularly. Mention is
made in Book XXVIII, ii, 23, of ' him who cultivates the
shoots of goodness in his nature,' those 'shoots' being
expressed by this character Kh u ; and in a note on the
passage there I have quoted the words of the commentator
Pai Lu : — ' Put a stone on a bamboo shoot, or where the
shoot would show itself, and it will travel round the stone,
and come out crookedly at its side.' Thus Kh'xx is em-
ployed for what is exhibited partially or in a small degree.
Even Afang Hsiian on that passage explains it by ' very
small matters ;' and the two ablest in my opinion of all the
Chinese critics and commentators, K\x Hsi and Wu K/iang
(of the Yiian dynasty, A.D. 1 249-1333), take our title to
mean ' The minuter forms and smaller points of ceremony.'
P. Zottoli is not to be blamed for following them, and
styling the Book — ' Minutiores Ritus.' Still even this does
not satisfy my own mind. Great rites are mentioned in
the treatise as well as small ones. Principles of ceremony
are enunciated as well as details. The contents are marked
indeed by the ' unconnectedness ' which Callery mentions ;
but a translator cannot help that. The Book may not be
as to method all that we could wish, but we must make
the best we can of it as it stands ; and I have ventured
to call it ' A Summary of the Rules of Ceremony.' It
occupies very properly the place at the beginning of the

BK. ii. INTRODUCTION. 1 7

collection, and is a good introduction to the treatises that
follow.

Among the Li books in Liu Hsin's Catalogue of the
Imperial Library of Han, is a Treatise in nine chapters
(phi en), compiled by Hau 3nang,> and called Khxx Thai
A"i, or ' Record made in the Khxx Tower.' The Klixx
Tower was the name of an educational building, where
scholars met in the time of the emperor Hsiian to discuss
questions about ceremonies and other matters connected
with the ancient literature, and Hau 3hang (mentioned in
the preceding chapter) kept a record of their proceedings.
I should like to think that our Khxx. Li is a portion of
that Khxx Thai K\, and am sorry not to be able to adduce
Chinese authorities who take the same view. It would
relieve us of the difficulty of accounting for the use of
Khxx in the title.

Book II. Than Kung.

The name Than Kung given to this Book is taken
from the first paragraph in it, where the gentleman so
denominated appears attending the mourning rites for an
officer of the state of Lu. Nowhere else in the Treatise,
however, is there any mention of him, or reference to him.
There can be no reason but this, for calling it after him,
that his surname and name occur at the commencement
of it. He was a native, it is understood, of Lu ; but nothing
more is known of him.

The Than Kung, like the Khxx Li, is divided into two
Books, which appear in this translation as two Sections of
one Book. Each Section is subdivided into three Parts.
The whole is chiefly occupied with the observances of the
mourning rites. It is valuable because of the information
which it gives about them, and the views prevailing at
the time on the subject of death. It contains also many
historical incidents about Confucius and others, which we
are glad to possess. Some of the commentators, and
especially the A7/ien-lung editors, reject many of them
[27] C

1 8 THE Li KL

CH. III.

as legendary and fabulous. The whole Book is reduced
to very small compass in the expurgated editions of the
Li K\. We are glad, however, to have the incidents such
as they are. Who would not be sorry to want the ac-
count of Confucius' death, which is given in I, ii, 20? We
seem, moreover, to understand him better from accounts
which the Book contains of his intercourse with his disciples,
and of their mourning for him.

3ze-yu \ an eminent member of his school, appears in
the first paragraph much to his credit, and similarly after-
wards on several occasions ; and this has made the K/iien-
lung editors throw out the suggestion that the Book was
compiled by his disciples. It may have been so.

Book III. Wang Km.

According to Lu Kih (died A. D. 192)2, the Wang A'ih,
or ' Royal Regulations,' was made by the Great Scholars
of the time of the emperor Wan (B.C. 179-157), on the
requisition of that sovereign3. It professes to give the
regulations of the early kings on the classes of the feudal
nobles and officers and their emoluments, on their sacri-
fices, and their care for the aged. The emperor ordered
it to be compiled after the death of Kia. 1, a Great scholar
and highly esteemed by the sovereign, which event must
have taken place about B. C. 1 70, when Kia. was only
thirty-three. The Book is said to have contained, when
it first appeared, an account of the royal progresses and
of the altars and ceremonies of investiture, of which we
do not now find any trace. Parts of it are taken from
Mencius, from the Shu, and from the Commentaries of
Kung-yang and 3© on the K/mn K/iiu ; other parts again
are not easily reconciled with those authorities.

2 See the 54th Book of the Biographies in the History of the Second Han
Dynasty.

3 In B. c. 164. See the Mirror of History on that year.

BK. III. INTRODUCTION. 1 9

The K/nen-\ung editors deliver their judgment on it
to the following effect: When it was made, the I Li
must have appeared, but not the Ka.u Li. Hence the
Banquet and Missions appear among the ' Six Subjects of
Teaching,' and no mention is made of the minister of
Religion, as one of the six great ministers, nor is anything
said of the minister of War's management of the army.
On a general view of it, many subjects are evidently based
on Mencius, and whole paragraphs are borrowed from
him. Nothing is said of the peculiar position of the son
of Heaven, because in the Han dynasty, succeeding im-
mediately to that of K/nn, the emperor was to be dis-
tinguished from, and not named along with, the feudal
princes. In what is said about the reports of the Income
and fixing the Expenditure, only the Grand ministers of
Instruction, War, and Works are mentioned, because these
were the three ducal ministers of the Han dynasty, and
the ancient arrangements were represented so as to suit
what had come into existence. That nothing is said about
altars and investitures arose fromWan's having disregarded
in that matter the advice of Hsin-yiian Phing1. It only
shows how much the information of the compilers ex-
ceeded that of Shu-sun Thung2 and Sze-ma Hsiang-^u3.
The Book was received into the collection of the Li K\,
because it was made at no great distance from antiquity.
It is foolish in later scholars to weigh and measure every
paragraph of it by its agreement or disagreement with
Mencius and the Ka.\i Li.

This account of the Wang K\h. must commend itself
to unprejudiced readers. To myself, the most interesting
thing in the Book is the information to be gathered from
it about the existence of schools in the earliest times.
We see at the very commencement of history in China a

$|r iQ ^p-- A Taoistic charlatan, honoured and followed for a few
years by the emperor Wan ; put to death in B. c. 163.

y^ £& ^j|j . A scholar of Klixn. ; was a counsellor afterwards ^of the
first an>l second emperors of Han.

ffj J|| j&\ -hn. An officer and author. Died B.C. 126.

C 2

20 THE ii KL

CH. III.

rudimentary education, out of which has come by gradual
development the system of examinations of the present
day.

Book IV. Yueh Ling.

The Yueh Ling, or 'Proceedings of Government in the
different Months,' appears in the AT//ien-lung edition of the
Li K\ in six Sections ; but it has seemed to me more in
harmony with the nature of the Book and more useful for
the student to arrange it in four Sections, and each Section
in three Parts, a Section thus comprehending a season
of the year, and every month having a part to itself.
There is also a short supplementary Section in the middle
of the year, at the end of the sixth month, rendered neces-
sary by the Taoist lines on which the different portions are
put together.

3hai Yung (a. d. T33-192)1 and Wang Su2, somewhat
later (in our third century), held that the Book was the
work of the duke of A'au, and must be assigned to the
eleventh or twelfth century B. c. But this view of its anti-
quity may be said to be universally given up. Even
•A'ang Hsiian saw in the second century that it was a
compilation from the K hwi\ K V/iii of Lii Pu-wei3, still
foolishly said by many Chinese writers to have been the
real father of the founder of the K/nn dynasty, and who
died in B.C. 237. Lu Teh-ming4, writing in our seventh
century, said, 'The Yueh Ling was originally part of
Lii's Khun K/iiu, from which some one subsequently
compiled this Memoir.' The A7nen-lung editors unhesi-
tatingly affirm this origin of the Yiieh Ling; as indeed
no one, who has compared it with the work ascribed to
Lii, can have any doubts on the matter. Of that work,
Mayers says that ' it is a collection of quasi-historical
notices, and, although nominally Lu's production, really
compiled under his direction by an assemblage of scholars.'

'mm- *i* '§**; §^i

' PI !i ifr-

BK. V. INTRODUCTION. 2 I

Mayers adds, that on the completion of the work, Lii
Pu-wei suspended icoo pieces of gold at the gate of his
palace, which he offered as a reward to any one who could
suggest an improvement of it by adding or expunging a
single character1.

Such was the origin of the Yiieh Ling. We do not know
who compiled it from the Khun Kh'\\\ of Lii, but it was
first received into the Li K\ by Ma Yung. It can be
explained only by noting the Kk'm peculiarities in the names
of titles and other things. It is in itself full of interest,
throwing light on the ancient ways and religious views,
and showing how the latter more especially came to
be corrupted by the intrusion among them of Taoistic
elements.

The Book has sometimes been called ' A Calendar of the
Months of A'au.' Callery translates the name Yiieh Ling
by ' Attributs des Mois.' My own translation of it is
after ivang Hsiian, who says, 'The Book is called Yiieh
Ling, because it records the proceedings of Government in
the twelve months of the year.'

Book V. 3ang-3ze Wan.

This Book is named from the first three characters in
it, meaning ' The Questions of 3ang-$ze.' Most of the
different paragraphs or chapters in the two Sections of it
commence in the same way. It is not found at all in
the expurgated editions of the classic.

3ang-jze, or Mr. 3ang2, about fifty years younger than
Confucius, was one of the chief disciples of his school,
perhaps the ablest among them. He was distinguished
for his filial piety, and straightforward, honest simplicity.

1 Mayers' Chinese Reader's Manual, p. 146. The 1000 pieces of gold sus-
pended at Lii's gate are probably only a variation of what has been related
in the preceding chapter of what was done by king Hsien of Ho-/Hen towards
the recovery of the missing Book of the A'au Kwan.

g| -r' ; his name was (Shan, ^^), and that which he received in his

maturity, 3ze-yii (-?■ i|S).

2 2 THE LI KL CH. III.

There is an interesting account of his death in Book II, i,
Part i, 1 8. In the department of Liu Hsin's Catalogue,
which contains ' Works of the Literati,' there are entered
' 1 8 Treatises (phi en) of 3ang-$ze,' but without any further
specification of them. Ten of those treatises, or fragments
of them, are found in the Li of the Greater Tai, but this
Book is not among them, nor have I seen it anywhere
ascribed to him as the writer of it. It must have been
compiled, however, from memoranda left by him or some
of his intimate disciples. The names of only two other
disciples of the Master occur in it — those of 3ze-yu and
3ze-hsia1. The reference to the disciples of the former in
Section ii, 19, must be a note by the final compiler. The
mention of Lao-jze or Lao Tan, and his views also, in
Section ii, 22, 24, 28, strikes us as remarkable.

If it were necessary to devise a name for the Book, I
should propose — ' Questions of Casuistry on the subject of
Ceremonial Rites.' 3ang-jze propounds .difficulties that
have struck him on various points of ceremony, especially
in connexion with the rites of mourning ; and Confucius
replies to them ingeniously and with much fertility. Some of
the questions and answers, however, are but so much trifling.
Khung Ying-ta says that only 3ang~3ze could have proposed
the questions, and only Confucius have furnished the
answers. He applies to the Book the description of -the
Yi in the third of the Appendixes to that classic, i, 40,
as ' Speaking of the most complex phenomena under the
sky, and having nothing in it to awaken dislike, and of the
subtlest movements under the sky, and having nothing in it
to produce confusion.'

Book VI. Wan Wang Shih-3ze.

No hint is given, nothing has been suggested, as to who
was the compiler of this Book, which the A7zien-lung editors
publish in two Sections. Its name is taken from the first

1 ir M and i1

bk. vir. INTRODUCTION. 2 3

clause of the first paragraph, which treats of king Wan, the
founder of the A"au dynasty, as he demeaned himself in his
youth, when he was Shih-jze, or son and heir of his
father. This is followed by a similar account of his son,
who became king Wu ; and in paragraph 3 the writer goes
on to the duke of Kaus training of king K/iang, the young
son of Wu. In the last paragraph of the second Section,
the subject of king Wan as' prince is resumed.

But the real subject-matter of the Book lies between
those portions, and treats of three things.

First ; Section i, paragraph 5 to the end, treats of the
education and training of the eldest sons of the king and
feudal princes, and of the young men of brightest promise
throughout the kingdom, chosen to study with these. We
learn much from it as to the educational institutions and
methods of ancient times.

Second ; in Section ii, paragraphs 1 to 15, we have the
duties of the Shu-^ze, the head of an official Section, belong-
ing to the department of the premier, whose special
business was with the direction of the young noblemen
of the royal and feudal courts in all matters belonging
to their instruction.

Third; from paragraph 17 to 23 of Section ii, we have
an account of the various ceremonies or* observances in
the king's feasting and cherishing of the aged, and of
his care that a similar course should be pursued by all
the princes in their states.

Book VII. Li Yun.

Li Yun means, literally, 'The Conveyance of Rite?.'
P. Callery translates the name, not unsuccessfully, by
' Phases du Ceremonial ;' but I prefer my own longer
rendering of it, because it gives the reader a better idea of
the contents of the Book. Ka.ng Hsiian said it was called
the Conveyance of Rites, because it records how the five
Tis and three Kings made their several changes in them,
and how the Yin and the Yang, or the twofold movement

24 THE Li kL

CH. III.

and operation of nature, produced them by their revolutions.
The whole is difficult and deep ; and no other portion of the
collection has tasked the ablest commentators more. The
A7nen-lung editors say that we have in the Book a grand
expression of the importance of ceremonial usages, and
that, if we are on our guard against a small Taoistic element
in it, it is pure and without a flaw. That depraving element,
they think, was introduced by the smaller Tai, who ignorantly
thought he could make the Treatise appear to have a higher
character by surreptitiously mixing it up with the fancies
of Lao and ./Twang. But the Taoistic admixture is larger
than they are willing to allow.

Some have attributed the Book to 3ze-yu, who appears,
in the first of its Sections, three times by his surname and
name of Yen Yen, as the questioner of Confucius, and
thereby giving occasion to the exposition of the sage's
views ; others attribute it to his disciples. The second
Section commences with an utterance of Confucius without
the prompting of any interlocutor ; and perhaps the com-
piler meant that all the rest of the Treatise should be
received as giving not only the Master's ideas, but also his
words. Whoever made the Book as we now have it, it is
one of the most valuable in the whole work. Hwang Kan
(in the end of £he Sung dynasty) says of it, that notwith-
standing the appearance, here and there, of Taoistic
elements, it contains many admirable passages, and he
instances what is said about creation or the processes of
nature, in iii, 2; about government, in ii, 18; about man,
in iii, I, 7 ; and about ceremonial usages, in iv, 6.

But the Taoistic element runs through the whole Book,
as it does through Book IV. There is an attempt to sew the
fancies about numbers, colours, elements, and other things
on to the common-sense and morality of Confucianism.
But nevertheless, the Treatise bears important testimony
to the sense of religion as the first and chief element
of ceremonies, and to its existence in the very earliest
times.

BK. VIII. INTRODUCTION. 25

Book VIII. Li Km.

Book VII, it was said, has been attributed to 3ze-yu.
I have not seen this ascribed to any one ; but it is certainly
a sequel to the other, and may be considered as having
proceeded from the same author. The more the two are
studied together, the more likely will this appear.

Callery has not attempted to translate the title, and says
that the two characters composing it give the sense of
' Utensils of Rites,' and have no plausible relation with
the scope of the Book in which there is no question in
any way of the material employed either in sacrifices
or in other ceremonies ; and he contends, therefore, that
they should not be translated, but simply be considered
as sounds1.

But the rendering which I have given is in accordance
with an acknowledged usage of the second character, Kh\.
We read in the Confucian Analects, V, 3 : — ' 3ze'kung
asked, " What do you say of me ? " The Master answered,
" You are a vessel." " What vessel ? " "A sacrificial vessel
of jade." The object of the Book is to show how ceremonial
usages or rites go to form ' the vessel of honour,' ' the
superior man,' who is equal to the most difficult and impor-
tant services. Afang Hsiian saw this clearly, and said, 'The
Book was named Li KM, because it records how cere-
monies cause men to become perfect vessels.' ' The former
Book shows the evolution of Rites ; this shows the use of
them : ' — such was the dictum in A. D. 11 13 of Fang Kueh,
a commentator often quoted by AV/an Hao and by the
AVnen-lung editors.

Throughout the Book it is mostly religious rites that are
spoken of; especially as culminating in the worship of God.
And nothing is more fully brought out than that all rites
are valueless without truth and reverence.

tfl §£•

26 THE LI Kl. CH. in.

Book IX. ATiAo Theh Sang.

The name of the Book is made up of the three characters
with which it commences, just as the Hebrew name for the
Book of Genesis in our Sacred Scriptures is Beraishith
(fftpfcOS). From the meaning, however, ofAfiao Theh
Sang the reader is led to suppose that he will find the
Treatise occupied principally with an account of the great
Border Sacrifice. But it is not so.

The main subject of the Book is sacrifice generally; and
how that which is most valuable in it is the reverence and
sincerity of the worshipper, finding its exhibition in the
simplicity of his observances. In the preceding Book
different conditions have been mentioned which are of
special value in sacrifice and other ceremonies. Among
them is the paucity of things (Section i, paragraph 8) ;
and this consideration is most forcibly illustrated by ' the
Single Victim ' employed in the Border Sacrifice, the
greatest of all ceremonies. At the same time various
abuses of the ancient sincerity and simplicity are exposed
and deplored.

The ceremonies of capping and marriage are dealt with
in the third Section ; and we are thankful for the informa-
tion about them which it supplies. In the end the writer
returns to the subject of sacrifices ; and differences in the
different dynasties, from the time of Shun downwards, in
the celebration of them are pointed out.

The K/ilen-\ung editors say that this Book was originally
one with the last, and ' was separated from it by some later
hand.' I had come to the same conclusion before I noticed
their judgment. Books VII, VIII, and IX must have
formed, I think, at first one Treatise.

Book X. Nei 3eh.

The title of this book, meaning ' The Pattern of the Family,'
rendered by Callery, 'Reglementslnterieurs,' approxi-

BK. XI. INTRODUCTION. 2J

mates to a description of its contents more than most of
the titles in the Li K\. It is not taken, moreover, from any
part of the text near the commencement or elsewhere. It
is difficult to understand why so little of it is retained
in the expurgated editions, hardly more than a page of
P. Callery's work being sufficient for it.

Kang Hsuan says : — ' The Book takes its name of N e i
3 eh, because it records the rules for sons and daughters in
serving their parents, and for sons and their wives in serv-
ing her parents-in-law in the family-home. Among the
other Treatises of the Li Ki, it may be considered as giving
the Rules for Children. And because the observances of
the harem are worthy of imitation, it is called N e i 3 e h, " the
Pattern of the Interior." KiX Hsi says, that ' it is a Book
which was taught to the people in the ancient schools, an
ancient Classic or Sacred Text'

Because the name of 3ang-jze and a sentence from him
occur, the A7/ien-lung editors are inclined to ascribe the
authorship to his disciples ; but the premiss is too narrow
to support such a conclusion.

The position of the wife, as described in Section i, will
appear to western readers very deplorable. Much in this
part of the Treatise partakes of the exaggeration that is
characteristic of Chinese views of the virtue of filial piety.

The account in Section ii of the attention paid to the
aged, and the nourishing of them, is interesting, but goes, as
the thing itself did, too much into details. What is it to us
at the present time how they made the fry, the bake, the
delicacy, and the other dishes to tempt the palate and
maintain the strength ? The observances in the relation of
husband and wife, on the birth of a child, and the education
and duties of the young of both sexes, which the Section
goes on to detail, however, are not wanting in attraction.

Book XI. Yu 3Ao.

The name of the Book, Yii 3ao, is taken from the first
clause of the first paragraph. The two characters denote
the pendants of the royal cap worn on great occasions, and

28 THE LI Kl. CH. in.

on which beads of jade were strung. There were twelve
of those pendants hanging down, before and behind, from
the ends of the square or rectangular top of the cap, as
in the cardinal' cap which is the crest of Christ Church,
Oxford. But we read nothing more of this cap or its
pendants after the first paragraph ; and the contents
of all the three Sections of the Book are so various, that
it is impossible to give an account of them in small
compass.

Kang Hsiian said that the Book was named Yu 3ao,
because it recorded the dresses and caps worn by the son
of Heaven ; but it is not confined to the king, but intro-
duces rulers also and officers generally. It treats also of
other matters besides dress, which it would be difficult to
speak of in so many categories. Much, moreover, of the
second Section seems to consist of disjecta membra, and
the paragraphs are differently arranged by different editors.
Here and there the careful reader will meet with senti-
ments and sentences that will remain in his memory, as in
reading Book I ; but he will only carry away a vague im-
pression of the Book as a whole.

Book XII. Ming Thang Wei.

Readers will turn to this Book, as I did many years ago,
expecting to find in it a full description of the Ming
Thang, generally called by sinologists, 'The Brilliant
Hall,' and 'The Hall of Light;' but they will find that
the subject-matter is very different. I have here translated
the name by ' the Hall of Distinction,' according to the
meaning of it given in paragraph 5, taking 'distinction'
in the sense of separation or discrimination.

The Treatise commences with, but does not fairly de-
scribe, the great scene in the life of the duke of Ka.u, when
as regent of the kingdom, he received all the feudal lords
and the chiefs of the barbarous tribes at the capital, on
occasion of a grand audience or durbar. The duke was
the ancestor of the lords or marquises of the state of

BK. xii. INTRODUCTION. 29

Lu, — part of the present province of Shan-tung. He was
himself, indeed, invested with that fief by his nephew, king
AV/ang, though, remaining for reasons of state at the royal
court, he never took possession of it in person, but sent
his son Po-£//in to do so in his room. Because of his
great services in the establishment and consolidation of
the new dynasty, however, various privileges were conferred
on the rulers of Lu above the lords of other states. These
are much exaggerated in the Book ; and after the sixth
paragraph, we hear no more of the Hall of Distinction.
All that follows is occupied with the peculiar privileges
said to have been claimed, and antiques reported to have
been possessed, by the marquises of Lu. What is said has
no historical value, and the whole Book is excluded from
the expurgated editions.

The AVnen-lung editors say that its author must have
been an ignorant and vainglorious scholar of Lu in the
end of the A'au dynasty. Some have imagined that it
was handed on, with additions of his own, by Ma Yung
to A'ang Hsiian ; but the latter says nothing about the
other in his brief prefatory note.

The Hall of Distinction was a royal structure. Part of
it was used as a temple, at the sacrifices in which peculiar
honour was done to king Wan (The Shih, IV, i, 7). It
was also used for purposes of audience, as on the occasion
referred to in this Book ; and governmental regulations
were promulgated from it (Mencius, I, ii, 5). To this third
use of it would belong the various references to it in
Book IV of this collection.

The principal Hall was in the capital ; but there were
smaller ones with the same name at the four points where
the kings halted in their tours of inspection to receive the
feudal lords of the different quarters of the kingdom. It
was one of these which Mencius had in his mind in the
passage referred to above.

In the 67th Book of the Li of the Greater Tai there
is a description of the building and its various parts ; and
among the ' Books of A'au ' said to have been found in
A. D. 279 in the grave of king Hsiang of Wei, the 55th

30 THE LI K$.

CH. III.

chapter has the title of Ming Thang, but it is little more
than a rifacimento of the first four paragraphs of this
Book of the Li K\.

In Morrison's Chinese Dictionary, vol. i, p. 512, there
is a ground-plan of the Hall according to a common repre-
sentation of it by Chinese authorities.

Book XIII. Sang Ft) Hsiao K\.

This ' Record of Smaller Points in connexion with the
Dress of Mourning,' is the first of the many treatises fn
our collection, devoted expressly to the subject of the
mourning rites, and especially of the dress worn by the
mourners, according to the degree of their relationship.
The expurgated editions do not give any part of it ; and
it is difficult — I may say impossible — to trace any general
plan on which the compiler, who is unknown, put the dif-
ferent portions of it together. Occasionally two or three
paragraphs follow one another on the same subject, and
I have kept them together after the example of Khung
Ying-ta ; but the different notices are put down as if at
random, just as they occurred to the writer.

Kxx Hsi says that 3ze_hsia made a supplementary
treatise to the nth Book of the I Li, and that we have
here an explanation of many points in that Book. It is
so ; and yet we may not be justified in concluding that
this is a remnant of the production of 3ze-hsia.

Book XIV. TA ;Twan.

This Book, 'the Great Treatise,' has been compared to
the Hsi 3hze, the longest and most important of the
Appendixes to the Yi King, which is also styled Ta TTwan.

It is short, however, as compared with that other ; nor
is it easy to understand, the subjects with which it deals
being so different in the conceptions of Chinese and
western minds. ' It treats,' said AV/an Hsiang-tao (early
in the Sung dynasty), 'of the greatest sacrifice,— that

BK. xv. INTRODUCTION. 31

offered by the sovereign to all his ancestors ; of the
greatest instance of filial piety, — that of carrying back to
his forefathers the title gained by the sacrificer ; of the
greatest principle in the regulation of the family, — that
expressed by the arrangement of the names of its members
according to their relations to one another; and of the
course of humanity as the greatest illustration of propriety
and righteousness. On account of this it is called The
Great Treatise.'

From this summary of its contents the importance of
the Book will be seen. We know nothing either of its
author or of the date of its compilation.

Book XV. Shao 1.

The Shao 1, or 'Smaller Rules of Conduct,' is akin to
much of the first Book in our collection, • the Summary of
the Rules of Ceremony.' Shao means 'few,' and often
'few in years,' or 'young;' and hence some have thought
that the subject of the Book is ' Rules for the Young.' So
Callery, who gives for the title, 'Regies de Conduite
des Jeunes Gens.'

But the contents cannot be so restricted ; and since the
time of Kang Hsiian, shao has been taken by most
Chinese commentators as equivalent to hsiao1, which
occurs in the title of Book XIII. The difference between
the two Chinese characters is not so great as that between
these alphabetic exhibitions of their names. Lu Teh-ming
says, 'Shao is here equivalent to hsiao ;' and A^ang says,
that the Book is named Shao 1 'because it records the
small rules of demeanour at interviews and in bringing in
the provisions for a feast.' But the observances described
are very various, and enable us to form a life-like picture
of manners in those early days.

According to K\x Hsi, the Book was intended to be
a branch of the smaller learning, or lessons for youth ; but

-Ap and /Jv

32 THE LI El. CH. III.

was extended to a variety of subjects in daily life and the
intercourses of society. When and by whom it was com-
piled is not known.

Book XVI. Hsio Kt.

The Hsio K\, or 'Record of Studies,' is a treatise of
very considerable interest and importance. .Oang-jze,
whom K\x Hsi was accustomed to call his ' Master,' con-
sidered it to be, after Books XXVIII and XXXIX, the
Kung Yung and Ta Hsio, the most correct and orthodox
Book in the Li K\.

The K/nen-lung editors say that in paragraphs 4 and
5 we have the institutions of the ancient kings for pur-
poses of education ; in 6 to 19, the laws for teachers; and
in what follows, those for learners. The summary is on
the whole correct, but the compiler (who is unknown) did
not always keep his subjects distinct. In the three com-
mencing paragraphs the importance of education to the
moral well-being of the people is strikingly exhibited.
The whole displays an amount of observation and a ma-
turity of reflection on the subject, which cannot but be
deemed remarkable. The information about ancient schools
and higher institutions may be found in the earlier Books,
but we are glad to have this repetition of it.

Book XVII. Yo Ki.

The Yo K\, or ' Record of Music/ will be found to have
more interest for general readers than most of the other
Books of the Li. A7/ang-$ze speaks of it in terms similar
to those quoted from him in the preceding notice about
the Hsio K\. That, so far as correctness and orthodoxy
are concerned, is next to the Kung Yung and Ta Hsio ;
this is near to them. Its introduction into our collection
is ascribed to Ma. Yung.

The old documents on music that had been recovered
during the earlier Han dynasty, appear in Liu Hsin's
Catalogue after those of the Li, amounting in all to

BK. xvil. INTRODUCTION. 23

165 phien, distributed in six collections. The first of
these was the Yo K\, in 23 phien; the second, the K\
of Wang Yii1, in 24 phien. Khung Ying-ta, deriving his
information from a note in Hsin's Catalogue and other
sources, sums up what he has to say about this Book in
the following way : — On the rise of the Han dynasty, the
treatises of former times on music, as well as the practice
of the art, were in a state of special dilapidation. In the
time of the emperor Wu, his brother Teh, with the help
of many scholars, copied out all that remained on the
subject of music, and made a Yo isfi, or ' Record of Music,'
in 24 phien or books, which Wang Yii presented to the
court in the time of the emperor K/iang (B.C. 32-7); but
it was afterwards hardly heard of. When Liu Hsiang
(died B. C. 9) examined the books in the Imperial library,
he found a 'Record of Music' in 23 phien, different from
that which Wang Yii had presented. Our present Yo K\
contains eleven of those phien, arranged with the names
of their subjects. The other twelve are lost, though their
names remain.

Most of the present text is found in Sze-ma K/nen's
Monograph on Music ; and as he was so long before Liu
Hsiang (K/iien died between B. c. 90 and 80), the K/nen-
lung editors suppose that it is one of the portions of
Kkien's work, supplied by Klixx Shao-sun 2, who was a
contemporary of Hsiang.

K\x Hsi had a great admiration of many passages in the
Yo K% and finds in them the germs of the views on the
constitution of humanity, and on the action and inter-
action of principle and passion, reason and force, in the
economy of what we call Providence, on which he delighted
to dwell in his philosophical speculations. We expect
from the title, as Hwang Kan-hsing (Ming dynasty) says,
that music will be the chief subject of the Treatise, but
everywhere we find ceremonial usages spoken of equally
and in their relation to it ; for, according to the view of
the author, the framework of society is built on the truth

1 I ^ • ' f § ty $fc • see Wylie's Notes, p. 14.

[27] D

THE LI KI. CH. ill.

underlying ceremonies, and music is the necessary expres-
sion of satisfaction in the resulting beauty and harmony.

Book XVIII. 3a Ki.

Book XVII is given nearly complete in the expurgated
edition translated by Callery, while the 18th or ' Miscel-
laneous Records,' happily rendered by him by the one
French word ' Melanges,' is reduced to about a third of
its length in the Chinese text. Notwithstanding its name
of 'Miscellanies,' the greater part is occupied with the
observances of the Mourning Rites. Interesting questions
concerning them are discussed, and information is given
on customs which we do not find in such detail elsewhere,
— such, for instance, as those relating to the gifts of grave-
clothes and other things for the burial of the dead.
Towards the end other customs, besides those of the
mourning rites, are introduced. It would be a mistake,
however, to suppose that this is done to justify the name
of Miscellaneous Records given to the whole. It is a
peculiarity of many of the other Books that the writer, or
writers, seem to get weary of confining themselves to one
subject or even to a few subjects, and introduce entries of
quite a different nature for no reason that we can discover
but their arbitrary pleasure.

The correctness and integrity of many paragraphs have
been justly called in question. The authority of the Book
does not rank high. It must be classed in this respect
with the Than Kunsr

fc>*

Book XIX. Sang Ta Ki.

Book XIII deals with smaller points in connexion with
the dress of mourning; Book XVIII, with miscellaneous
points in mourning ; and this Book with the greater points,
especially with the two dressings of the dead, the coffining,
and the burial. Beginning with the preparations for death
in the case of a ruler, a Great officer, or an ordinary officer,
it goes methodically over all the observances at and after
death, until the burial has taken place. It takes us into

BK. XX. INTRODUCTION. 35

the palace, the mansion, and the smaller official residence,
and shows us what was done at the different steps that
intervened between death and the committing of the coffin
to the grave. Some of the observances differ in minor
points from details in those other Books, and in the Than
Kung or Book II; but taking them all together, we get
from them a wonderfully minute account of all the rites
of mourning in ancient China. Wu 7\V/ang says, ' This
Book relates the greater rules observed in each event
which it mentions.' It was not intended to supplement
the information elsewhere given about smaller details ; and
hence it is named ' The Greater Record of Mourning Rites.'

Book XX. K\ Fa.

K\ Fa, so named from the first two characters in the
Book, and meaning ' Laws or Rules of Sacrifices,' is the
first of three treatises, all on the subject of sacrifices, that
come together at this part of the collection of the Li.
They were not, perhaps, the production of the same hand ;
but the writer of this one evidently had before him the
17th article in the first Part of the Narratives connected
with the state of Lu, which form the second Section of
' the Narratives of the States V That article contains an
exposition of the subject of sacrifices by a Ken K/rin, in
deprecation of a sacrifice ordered by 3anS Wan-£ang,
who had been for about fifty years one of the ministers
of Lu. 3ang died in B. C. 617.

Difficulties attach to some of the historical statements
in the Book, which cannot be cleared up from our want
of sufficient documents. The whole consists of two Parts,
— paragraphs 1-8, and paragraph 9. All the former is
excluded from the expurgated editions; but in it, as well
as in the other, the sacrifices arc mainly those to departed
worthies. There is no idea of deprecation in them ; much
less of atonement. They arc expressions of gratitude, and
commemorative of men whose laws and achievements were

*l pp. •

D 2

36 THE LI K\. CH. III.

beneficial to their own times, and helped on the progress
of civilisation, so that they would be beneficial also to
all ages.

In the conclusion, the sacrifices to the sun, moon, and
other parts of nature appear ; and it is said that they were
instituted because the action of those bodies contributed
to promote the comfort and agency of men. So far those
sacrifices were a species of nature-worship ; but the question
arises whether they were not really offered to the spirits
under whose guardianship those objects operated.

Book XXI. Ki 1.

The K\ 1, or 'The Meaning of Sacrifices,' 'Sens des
Sacrifices' in Callery, embraces a wider extent of sub-
jects than the last Book. It treats first of the sacrifices
to Heaven, and to the sun and moon in connexion with it,
as well as of those in the ancestral temple, though the
latter are the principal subject. The writer, whoever he was,
goes fully into the preparations of the sacrificer, and the
spirit of reverence in which the services should be conducted.

No idea of deprecation or expiation is expressed as
belonging to the sacrifices. It is said, indeed, in Section
i, 1 8, that the sacrifice in the suburb of the capital was
the great expression of gratitude to Heaven.

In Section ii other subjects besides sacrifice are treated
of. It commences with a remarkable conversation between
Confucius and his disciple 3^i Wo, on the constitution of
man, as comprehending both the Kwei and Shan, the
former name denoting the animal soul, which, with the
bones and flesh, ' moulders below and becomes the dust
of the fields;' while the latter denotes the intelligent soul
or spirit, which issues forth at death, and is displayed on
high in a condition of glorious brightness.

The ploughing of the special fields by the king and
rulers of states, and the regulations for the nourishment
of silkworms and the preparation of silk by their wives,
are set forth, both operations being to provide the sacri-
ficial grain and robes.

BK. XXII. INTRODUCTION. tf

After this we have the views of 3«*ng-gze anc' one °f
his disciples on filial piety, which subject again passes
into the submission of the younger brother to the elder,
and the respect to be paid generally by juniors to their
elders.

Book XXII. Kl Thung.

The ' Summary Account of Sacrifices ' is the last and
longest, and, it may be added, the most interesting, of
the treatises, specially on that subject. We find nothing
in it, any more than in the others, of the idea of pro-
pitiation ; but it gives many details of the purposes which
the institution of sacrifices served in the Chinese state.
The old commentators took the character Thung1 in the
sense of 'Root' or 'Origin2,' and hence some English
sinologists have named the book ' The Origin of Sacrifices,'
and P. Zottoli gives for the title 'Sacrificii Princi-
pium.' Callery calls it, better, 'Generalites sur les
Sacrifices.' The very able commentator AV/an Hsiang-
tao compares the Treatise to ' the large rope which controls
the meshes of a net,' saying, that it commences with
sacrifice as coming from the feeling of the heart, and
ends with the display of its influence in the conduct of
government.

The concluding paragraph shows that it was written
while the state of Lu still had an existence ; and if the
whole Book proceeded from the same hand, it must have
been composed some time after the death of Confucius
and before the extinction of Lii, which was consummated
by K/m in B. C. 248. I think we may refer it to the fourth
century B. c.

The doctrine of Filial Piety occupies a prominent place
in it. Paragraph 13 and the ten that follow, on the con-
nexion between sacrifice and the ten relationships of men,
are specially instructive. The author writes forcibly and
often subtilely; and can hardly do himself justice in the

rfc- '#•

38 THE l{ k1. CH. in.

expression of his ideas. What he says on the subject of
Inscriptions towards the conclusion is interesting. He was
a true Lu man, and his views on the sacrifices of his state
are contrary to the standard of Chinese orthodoxy about
them.

Book XXIII. King Kieh.

King A^ieh has been translated 'Explanations of the
Classics,' and Callery gives for the title 'Sens General
des Livres Canoniques.' A slight attention to the
few paragraphs which compose the Book, however, will
satisfy the reader that these translations of the name are
incorrect. No explanation is attempted of passages in
the different King. The true meaning of King ATieh
was given by Hwang Khan in A. D. 538. 'A^ieh,' he
says, ' is to be taken in the sense of " separation " or
"division;" and the Treatise describes the difference be-
tween the subjects dealt with in the different A^ing.'

The Book, though ingenious, is not entitled to much
attention. The first two paragraphs, assigned to Con-
fucius, could not have come from him. They assume
that there were six ATing; but that enumeration of the
ancient writings originated with the scholars of the Han
dynasty. And among the six is the A"/$un K/iiu, the work
of Confucius himself, which he compiled only a year or two
before his death. It was for posterity, and not for him,
to raise it to the rank of a King, and place it on the
same level with the Shu, the Shih, and the Yi. It may
be doubted, moreover, if there were ever a Yo A'ing, or
' Classic of Music' Treatises on music, no doubt, existed
under the Kan dynasty, but it does not appear that there
was any collection of them made till the attempts that
have been referred to in the introductory notice to Book
XVII.

Who the ingenious, but uncritical, compiler of the A'ing
A^i eh was is unknown.

BK. XXIV. INTRODUCTION. 39

Book XXIV. Ai Kung Wan.

'Questions of Duke Ai' is a translation of the three
characters with which the Book commences, and which
mean there 'Duke Ai asked;' and the title is so far
descriptive of the contents of the Book, — two conversa-
tions on ceremonies and the practice of government be-
tween the marquis 3iang of Lu, posthumously called duke
Ai, and Confucius. The sage died in the sixteenth year of
3iang's marquisate. As an old minister of the state,
after he had retired from public life, he had a right of
entrance to the court, which, we know, he sometimes
exercised. He may have conversed with the marquis
on the subjects discussed in this Treatise ; but whether
he held the particular conversations here related can
only be determined by the consideration of their style
and matter. I am myself disposed to question their
genuineness.

There are other recensions of the Treatise. It forms the
third of the Books in the current editions of ' the Li of the
Greater Tai,' purporting to be the forty-first of those
which were in his larger collection ; and is the same as
in our Li K\, with hardly a variation. The second con-
versation, again, appears as the fourth article in the col-
lection called the ' Narratives of the School V but with
considerable and important variations, under the title of
Ta Hwan, ' The Grand Marriage.' The first conversa-
tion is found also in the same collection, as part of the
sixth article, called Wan Li, or 'Questions about Cere-
monies.' There are also variations in it; but the questioner

in both articles is duke Ai.

The most remarkable passages of the Book are some
paragraphs of the second conversation towards its conclu-
sion. P. Callery translates Thien Tao, 'the Way of
Heaven,' in paragraph 16, by 'La Ve rite Celeste,' and

#^ ppT-

40 THE ii Kl. CH. III.

says in a note that Confucius speaks of this Tao in a way
not unlike Lao-jze in the Tao Teh King, adding that
'these two fathers of Chinese philosophy had on this
mysterious Being ideas nearly similar.' But a close ex-
amination of the passage, which is itself remarkable, shows
that this resemblance between it and passages of the Taoist
classic does not exist. See my concluding note on the
Book. If there were a Taoist semblance in the phrase-
ology, it would make us refer the composition of the
Treatise to the time of K/i'm or the early days of Han,
when Taoism had taken a place in the national literature
which it had not had under the dynasty of Ka.u.

Book XXV. A^ung-n! Yen KVs.

The title of this Book is taken from the four characters
with which it commences. Confucius has returned from
his attendance at the court of Lu, and is at home in his
own house. Three of his disciples are sitting by him, and
his conversation with them flows on till it has reached the
subject of ceremonial usages. In reply to their questions,
he discourses on it at length, diverging also to the subjects
of music and the practice of government in connexion with
ceremonies, in a familiar and practical manner.

He appears in the title by his designation, or name as
married, Kung-ni, which we find also two or three times
in Book XXVIII, which is received as the composition of
his grandson Khung K% or 3ze-sze. This Treatise, how-
ever, is much shorter than that, and inferior to it. The
commentator Wang of Shih-liang \ often quoted by A7/an
Hao, says, that though this Treatise has a beginning and
end, the style and ideas are so disjected and loose, that
many of the utterances attributed to Confucius cannot be
accepted as really his.

bk. xxvii. INTRODUCTION. 4 1

Book XXVI. Khung-sze Hsien Kij.

The title of this Book is akin to that of the last, the
characters of that leading us to think of Confucius as having
returned from court to 'his ease,' and those of this sug-
gesting nothing of his immediate antecedents, but simply
saying that he was ' at home and at leisure/ Instead of
being called, as there, by his designation, he appears here
as Khung-jze, ' the philosopher Khung,' or ' Mr. Khung.'

The Book also relates a conversation, but only one
disciple is present, and to him the Master discourses on
the description of a sovereign as 'the parent of the people,'
and on the virtue of the founders of the three dynasties of
Hsia, Shang, and Ka.u, illustrating his views by quotations
from the Book of Poetry. His language is sometimes
strange and startling, while the ideas underlying it are
subtle and ingenious. And the poetical quotations are
inapplicable to the subjects in connexion with which they
are introduced. If the commentator Wang could not
adopt the speeches attributed to Confucius in the last
Book as really his, much less can we receive those in
this as such.

From their internal analogies in form and sentiment,
I suppose that the two Books were made by the same
writer ; but I have met with no guess even as to who
he was.

Book XXVII. Fang Kl.

' The Dykes,' which is the meaning of the title of this
Book, is suggestive of its subject-matter. We have in it
the rules or usages of ceremony presented to us under the
figure of dykes, dams, or barriers ; defensive structures made
to secure what is inside them from escaping or dispersion,
and to defend it against inundation or other injurious
assault and invasion from without. The character, called
fang, is used for the most part with verbal force, 'acting
as a dyke or barrier ;' and it would often be difficult to say

A A

42 THE LI Kl. CH. ill.

whether the writer was thinking of the particular institution
or usage spoken of as fulfilling the purpose of defence
against peril from within, or violence from without.

The illustrations are numerous, and they are all given as
if they came from the lips of Confucius himself ; but we
cannot suppose that they were really from him. They are
not in his style, and the reasonings are occasionally un-
worthy of him. Many paragraphs carry on their front a
protest against our receiving them as really his. Neverthe-
less, the Book, though sometimes tedious, is on the whole
interesting, and we like the idea of looking on the usages
as ' dykes.' We do not know to whom we are indebted for
it. One of the famous brothers K/iang of the Sung dynasty
has said : — ' We do not know who wrote the Treatise. Since
we find such expressions in it as "The Lun Yii says," it is
plainly not to be ascribed to Confucius. Passages in the
Han scholars, Kia. 1 and Tung A\ing-shu, are to the same
effect as what we find here ; and perhaps this memoir
was their production/

Book XXVIII. A~ung Yung.

The A"ung Yung would be pronounced, I think, by
Chinese scholars to be the most valuable of all the Treatises
in the Li K\ ; and from an early time it asserted a position
peculiar to itself. Its place in the general collection of
Ritual Treatises was acknowledged by Ma Yung and his
disciple Ka.ng Hsiian ; but in Liu Hsin's Catalogue of the
Li Books, we find an entry of ' Observations on the .Afung
Yung, in two p h i e n ; ' so early was the work thought to
be deserving of special treatment by itself. In the records
of the Sui dynasty (a. D. 5(89-617), in the Catalogue of its
Imperial library, there are the names of three other special
works upon it, one of them by the emperor Wu (a. d. $02-
549) of the Liang dynasty.

Later on, under the Sung dynasty, the Aung Yung, the
Ta Hsio, or 'Great Learning,' which is also a portion of
the Li Ki, the Confucian Analects, or the Lun Yii, and the
works of Mencius, were classed together as ' The Four Books,'

bk. xxvill. INTRODUCTION. 43

which have since that time formed so important a division
of Chinese literature ; and ' the ATung Yung, in chapters
and sentences, with a digest of commentaries on it,' was
published by Afu Hsi early in A. D. 1189. About 125 years
afterwards, the fourth emperor of the Yuan dynasty enacted
that ATu's edition and views should be the text-book of the
classic at the literary examinations. From that time merely
the name of the A'ung Yung was retained in editions of the
Li A'i, until the appearance of the Imperial edition of the
whole collection in the AV^ien-lung period of the present
dynasty. There the text is given in two Sections according
to the old division of it, with the ancient commentaries from
the edition of ' The Thirteen ATing ' of the Thang dynasty,
followed at the end of each paragraph by the Commentary
of Afu.

The authorship of the A'ung Yung is ascribed to KhungA'i,
better known as 3ze-sze, the grandson of Confucius. There
is no statement to this effect, indeed, in the work itself; but
the tradition need not be called in question. It certainly
existed in the Khung family. The Book must have been
written in the fifth century B. C, some time, I suppose,
between 450 and 400. Since A. D. 1267, the author has had
a place in the temples of Confucius as one of ' The Four
Assessors,' with the title of 'The Philosopher 3ze-sze, trans-
mitter of the Sage.' I have seen his tomb-mound in the
Confucian cemetery, outside the city of AVm-fu in Shan-
tung, in front of those of his father and grandfather. There
is a statue of him on it, bearing the inscription, ' Duke (or
Prince) of the State of 1.'

It is not easy to translate the name of the Treatise, Kung
Yung. It has been represented by 'Juste Milieu;'
'Medium Constans vel Sempiternum ; ' 'LTn-
variable Milieu;' 'The Constant Medium;' 'The
Golden Medium;' 'The True Medium;' and other-
wise. I called it, in 1861, 'The Doctrine of the
Mean/ which I have now changed for 'The State of
Equilibrium and Harmony/ the reasons for which
will be found in the notes on the first chapter of the
present version.

THE Li KI. CH. in.

I do not here enter on an exhibition of the scope and
value of the Book. It gives the best account that we have
of the Confucian philosophy and morals, and will amply
repay careful study, and hold its place not only in China,
but in the wider sphere beyond it. The writer had an
exaggerated conception of the sage ; but he deserves well
of his own country and of the world.

Book XXIX. Piao Kl.

The character called Piao is the symbol for the outer
garments, and is used to indicate whatever is external in
opposition to what is internal ; the outside of things, what
serves to mark them out and call attention to them. Hence
comes its use in the sense which it bears in the title of this
Book, for what serves as an example or model. Callery
renders that title by 'Memoire surl'Exemple;' Wylie,
by 'The Exemplar Record/

Piao is also used for the gnomon of a dial; and the
KMen-lung editors fix on this application of the character
in explaining the name of the Book. 'Piao,' they say,
' is the gnomon of a dial, by which the movement of the
sun is measured ; it rises up in the centre, and all round is
regulated by it The Fang K\ shows men what they
ought to be on their guard against; the Piao K\, what
they should take as their pattern.' Then they add — ' Of
patterns there is none so honourable as benevolence (or
humanity proper), and to aid that there is righteousness,
while, to complete it, there is sincerity or good faith, and
reverence is that by which the quest for humanity is pur-
sued.' This second sentence may be considered a summary
of the contents of the Book, which they conclude by saying,
they have divided into eight chapters after the example of
the scholar Hwang ; meaning, I suppose, Hwang Khan,
who has been already mentioned as having published his
work on our classic in A. D. 538.

That division into eight chapters lies on the face of the
Treatise. We have eight paragraphs commencing with the
characters which I have rendered by ' These were the words

BK. XXX. INTRODUCTION. 45

of the Master;' and these are followed by a number of
others, more or fewer as the case may be, in which the
words of the Master ('The Master said') are adduced to
substantiate what has been stated in that introductory
passage. The arrangement is uniform, excepting in one
instance to which I have called attention in a note, and
suitably divides the whole into eight chapters.

But no one supposes that ' the words of the Master ' are
really those of Confucius, or were used by him in the con-
nexion which is here given to them. They were invented
by the author of the Treatise, or applied by him, to suit
his own purpose ; and scholars object to many of them as
contrary to the sentiments of the sage, and betraying a
tendency to the views of Taoism. This appears, most
strikingly perhaps, in the fifth chapter. On the statement,
for instance, in paragraph 32, that the methods of Yin
and Kau were not equal to the correction of the errors
produced by those of Shun and Hsia, the K/rien-lung
editors say : — ' How could these words have come from
the mouth of the Master? The disciples of Lao-jze
despised forms and prized the unadorned simplicity, com-
mended what was ancient, and condemned all that was of
their own time. In the beginning of the Han dynasty, the
principles of Hwang and Lao were widely circulated ;
students lost themselves in the stream of what they heard,
could not decide upon its erroneousness, and ascribed it to
the Master. Such cases were numerous, and even in several
paragraphs of the Li Yun (Book VII) we seem to have some
of them. What we find there was the utterance, probably,
of some disciple of Lao-jze.'

No one, so far as I have noticed, has ventured to assign
the authorship of this Book on example. I would identify
him, myself, with the Kung-sun Ni-jze, to whom the next
is ascribed.

Book XXX. 3ze !.

It is a disappointment to the reader, when he finds after
reading the title of this Book, that it has nothing to do with
the Black Robes of which he expects it to bean account.

46 THE LI Kl. CH. ill.

That phrase occurs in the second paragraph, in a note to
which its origin is explained ; but the other name Hsiang
Po, which is found in the same paragraph, might with equal
appropriateness, or rather inappropriateness, have been
adopted for the Treatise.

It is really of the same nature as the preceding, and
contains twenty-four paragraphs, all attributed to ' the
Master,' and each of which may be considered to afford
a pattern for rulers and their people. It ought to form one
Book with XXIX under the title of ' Pattern Lessons.' I
have pointed out in the notes some instances of the agree-
ment in their style and phraseology, and the intelligent
reader who consults the translation with reference to the
Chinese text will discover more. Lu Teh-ming (early in
the Thang dynasty) tells us, on the authority of Liu Hsien,
that the 3ze ^ was niade by a Kung-sun Ni-jze. Liu
Hsien was a distinguished scholar of the early Sung dynasty,
and died about A. D. 500; but on what evidence he assigned
the authorship of the Book to Kung-sun Ni-^ze does not,
in the present state of our knowledge, appear. The name of
that individual is found twice in Liu Hsin's Catalogue, as be-
longing to the learned school, and among 'the Miscellaneous
writers,' with a note that he was ' a disciple of the seventy
disciples of the Master.' The first entry about him precedes
that about Mencius, so that he must be referred to the
closing period of the Kiu dynasty, the third century B. C.
He may, therefore, have been the author of 'The Black
Robes,' and of the preceding Book as well, giving his own
views, but attributing them, after the fashion of the time, to
Confucius ; but, as the commentator Fang 1 (? Ming dynasty)
observes : — ' Many passages in the Book are made to
resemble the sayings of a sage ; but the style is not good
and the meaning is inferior.'

Book XXXI. PAN Sang.

This Book refers to a special case in connexion with the
mourning rites, that of an individual who has been prevented,
from taking part with the other relatives in the usual

BK. XXXII. INTRODUCTION. 47

observances at the proper time. It might be that he was
absent from the state, charged by his ruler with public
business, or he might be in the same state but at a distance,
and so occupied that he had been unable to take part in
the mourning services.

But they were too sacred to be entirely neglected, and
we have here the rules applicable to such a case, in a variety
of circumstances and different degrees of consanguinity.
Some other matter, more or less analogous, is introduced
towards the end.

We have seen how the first of the ' Three Rituals ' re-
covered in the Han dynasty was seventeen Books that now
form the 1 Li. Kang Hstian supposed that the Pan Sang
had been another Book of that collection, and was after-
wards obtained from the tablets found in the village of Yen-
£ung in Lu. It has been decided, however, that the style
determines it to be from another hand than the 1 Li.

Here it is, and we have only to make the best of it that
we can, without knowing who wrote it or when it came to
light. The K/iien-lung editors say : — ' Anciently, in cases
of mourning for a year or shorter period even, officers left
their charges and hurried to the rites. In consequence of
the inconvenience arising from this, it was enacted that
officers should leave their charge only on the death of a
parent. It was found difficult, however, to enforce this.
The rule is that a charge cannot be left, without leave asked
and obtained.'

Book XXXII. WAn Sang.

The Wan Sang, or 'Questions about Mourning Rites,'
is a short Treatise, which derives its name from inquiries
about the dressing of the corpse, the putting off the cap and
replacing it by the cincture, and the use of the staff in
mourning. Along with those inquiries there are accounts
of some of the rites, condensed and imperfect. The Book
should be read in connexion with the other Books of a
similar character, especially XIII.

Much cannot be said in favour of the style, or of the

48 THE LI A'l.

CH. III.

satisfactoriness of the replies to the questions that are pro-
pounded. The principal idea indeed in the mind of the
author, whoever he was, was that the rites were the out-
come of the natural feelings of men, and that mourning was
a manifestation of filial piety. The most remarkable passage
is that with which the Treatise concludes, that the use of
the staff was not to be sought in any revelation from heaven
or earth, but was simply from the good son's filial affection.
The way in which the sentiment is expressed has often,
brought to my mind the question of the Apostle Paul about
faith, in Romans x. 6-8.

Book XXXIII. Fu Wan.

Like the last two Books and the two that follow, the Fu
Wan is omitted in the expurgated editions. It is still
shorter than the Wan Sang, and treats also of the mourn-
ing rites, and specially of the dress in it, and changes in it,
which naturally gave rise to questioning.

The writer, or compiler, often quotes from what he calls
the Aw an, a name which has sometimes been translated by
'Tradition.' But the Chinese term, standing alone, may
mean what is transmitted by writings, as well as what is
handed down by oral communication. It is used several
times in Mencius in the sense of ' Record ' and ' Re-
cords.' I have called it here 'The Directory of Mourn-
ing.' Wu KMng says rightly that the Book is of the same
character as XIII ; that the mourning rites were so many,
and some of them so peculiar, that collisions between
different rites must have been of frequent occurrence. The
Fu Wan takes up several such cases and tells us how they
were met satisfactorily, or, as we may think, unsatisfactorily.

Book XXXIV. A^ien A'wan.

The in en Afwan is a Treatise on subsidiary points in
the mourning rites. It is not easy to render the name
happily in English. I have met with it as 'The Inter-

BK. xxxv. INTRODUCTION. 49

mediate Record.' AT wan is the character spoken of in the
preceding notice ; A'ien is the symbol for the space between
two things, suggesting the idea of distinction or differ-
ence. ATang Hsiian says that 'the name has reference to
the distinctions suitably made in mourning, according as
it was lighter or more important.'

However we translate or explain the name, we find the
Book occupied with the manifestations of grief in the bear-
ing of the mourners ; in the modulation of their voices ; in
their eating and drinking ; in their places ; in the texture of
their dress ; and in the various changes which were made
in it till it was finally put off. Some points in it are
difficult to understand at this distance of time, and while
we are still imperfectly acquainted with the mourning
usages of the people at the present day,

Book XXXV. San Nien Wan.

The 'Questions about the Mourning for three years' is
occupied principally with the mourning for parents for that
period, but it touches on all the other periods of mourning as
well, explaining why one period differs in its duration from
the others.

Mourning, it is said, is the outcome of the relative feeling
proper to man ; the materials of the dress, the duration of
the rites, and other forms are from the ancient sages and
legislators, to regulate and direct the expression of the
feeling.

What is said in paragraph 4 about the mourning of birds
and beasts is interesting, but fantastical. Though the
mourning for a parent is said to last for three years, the
western reader is not to suppose that it continues to the
end of that time, but simply that it extends into the third
year. Virtually it terminates with the twenty-fifth month,
and positively with the twenty-seventh. It is the eastern
mode in speaking of time to say that it lasts for three years.
Similarly, I have often been told that a child, evidently not
more than six months, was two years old, when a little cross-
questioning has brought out the fact that it had been born
[27] K

50 THE lA KI.

CH. III.

towards the end of the previous year, that it had lived in
two years, and was, therefore, spoken of as two years old.

Book XXXVI. Shan f.

The Shan f is what we should expect from the name, a
description of the dress so-called. It was the garment of
undress, worn by all classes of the people, from the highest
to the lowest, when they were at home and at ease. What
distinguished it from other dresses was that in those the
jacket or upper garment was in one piece, and the skirt or
lower garment in another, whereas in this they were joined
together, so that it could be put on and off with ease.

In the A7/ien-lung edition of the Li K\, chapter 29,
second collection of Plates, there are pictures of the
Shan 1, taken from K\x Hsi's 'Rules for the Family/ but
they do not correspond with the description here. More
accurate plates are to be found in a monograph on the
subject by Yung Afiang, a senior licentiate of the present
dynasty, which forms the 251st chapter in the 'Explana-
tions of the Classics under the Imperial dynasty of K/iing.'
The proper meaning of Shan 1 is 'The Deep Dress;' but
the garment was also called 'The Long Dress,' which
suits our nomenclature better ; and ' The Inner Dress,' when
it was worn under another.

The reasons assigned for fashioning it after the descrip-
tion in paragraphs 3 and 4 are of course fanciful ; but
M. Callery is too severe on the unknown author, when he
says : — ' On est tente de rire en voyant les rapprochements
que l'auteur cherche a etablir entre la forme de cet habit
et les principes les plus abstraits de la morale. Je suis
porte a croire que toutes ces allegories ont ete imaginees
apres coup ; car si elles avaient dirige la coupe primitive du
Shan 1, il faudrait dire que les ateliers des anciens tailleurs
de la Chine etaient des ecoles de mysticisme.'

Book XXXVII. Thau Hu.

The Thau Hu, or ' Pitching into a Jar,' gives the descrip-
tion of a game, played anciently, and probably at the pre-

BK. XXXVIII. INTRODUCTION. 5 I

sent day also, at festal entertainments. It was a kind of
archery, with darts instead of arrows, and the hand instead
of a bow; 'the smallest,' as A^ang says, ' of all the games
of archery,' and yet lessons for the practice of virtue and
for judging of character might be learned from it. It is
interesting to us, however, simply as a game for amusement,
and a sufficient idea of it may be gained from this Book.

Two might play at it, or any number. The host and
guest in the text are the representatives of two sides or
parties. It was a contest at pitching darts into the mouth
of a pot or vase, placed at a short distance from the players,
— too short a distance, it appears to us. There was nothing
peculiar in the form of the vase of which we have an account
in paragraph 10. We are surprised to read the description
of it in the late Dr. Williams' Syllabic Dictionary, under the
character for Hu : — 'One ancient kind (of vase) was made
with tubes on each side of the mouth, and a common game,
called Thau H u, was to pitch reeds into the three orifices.'
This would have been a different jar, and the game would
have been different from that here described, and more
difficult.

The style of the Treatise is like that of the t Li, in the
account of the contests of archery in Books VIII-XI,
to which we have to refer to make out the meaning of
several of the phrases.

The Book should end with paragraph 10. The three
paragraphs that follow seem to have been jotted down by
the compiler from some memoranda that he found, that
nothing might be lost which would throw light on the

game.

Then follows a paragraph, which may be pronounced
unintelligible. The whole Book is excluded from the
expurgated editions.

Book XXXVIII. Zu Hsing.

The Z\x Hsing, or 'Conduct of the Scholar,' professes to
be a discourse delivered to duke Ai of Lu on the character
and style of life by which scholars, or men claiming to

E 2

$2 THE Li kI.

ch. ur.

possess literary acquirements, ought to be, and were in a
measure, distinguished. Even so far back, such a class of
men there was in China. They had certain peculiarities of
dress, some of which are alluded to in Odes of the Shih. The
duke, however, had not been accustomed to think highly of
them ; and struck by something in the dress of Confucius,
he asks him if he wore the garb of a scholar. The sage
disclaims this ; and being questioned further as to the con-
duct of the scholar, he proceeds to dilate on that at great
length, and with a remarkable magnificence of thought and
diction. He pourtrayed to his ruler a man sans peur et
sans reproche, strong in principle, of cultivated intelli-
gence, and animated by the most generous, patriotic, and
benevolent spirit. We are told in the conclusion that the
effect on duke Ai was good and great. It made him a
better man, and also made him think more highly of the
class of scholars than he had done. The effect of the
Book on many of the literati must have been great in the
ages that have intervened, and must still be so.

But did such a conversation really take place between
the marquis of Lu and the sage? The general opinion of
Chinese scholars is that it did not do so. Lii Ta-lin (of the
eleventh century, and a contemporary of the brothers K/iang),
as quoted by the A7/ien-lung editors, while cordially approv-
ing the sentiments, thinks the style too grandiloquent to allow
of our ascribing it to Confucius. Another commentator of
the Sung period, one of the Lis \ holds that the language is
that of some ambitious scholar of the period of the Warring
States, who wished to stir up the members of his order to a
style of action worthy of it. P. Callery appends to his
translation the following note : — ' In general, the maxims
of this chapter are sufficiently profound to justify us in
ascribing them to Confucius, in preference to so many
other passages which the author of this work places to the
credit of the great philosopher. We find nevertheless in it
some ideas of which the really authentic works of Confucius
do not offer any trace.'

BK. XXXIX. INTRODUCTION.

Book XXXIX. Ta Hsio.

Like the A'ung Yung (XXVIII), the Ta Hsio has
long been published separately from the other Books of the
Li ATi, and is now the first of the well-known 'Four Books.'
As it appears in this translation, we follow the arrangement
of the text given by the A7/ien-lung editors from that in the
Thirteen King published by Khung Ying-ta, who himself
simply followed Ailing Hsiian. Early in the Sung dynasty
the brothers A7/ang occupied themselves with the Treatise ;
and thinking that errors had crept into the order of the
paragraphs, and that portions were missing, made various
alterations and additions. A'u Hsi entered into their
labours, and, as he thought, improved on them. It is now
current in the Four Books, as he published it in 1189, and
the difference between his arrangement and the oldest one
may be seen by comparing the translation in the first volume
of my Chinese Classics and that in the present publication.
Despite the difference of arrangement, the substance of the
work is the same.

There can be no doubt that the Ta Hsio is a genuine
monument of the Confucian teaching, and gives us a suffi-
cient idea of the methods and subjects in the great or
higher schools of antiquity. The enthusiasm of M.
Pauthier is not to be blamed when he says : — ' It is
evident that the aim of the Chinese philosopher is to
exhibit the duties of political government as the perfecting
of self and the practice of virtue by all men.'

Pauthier adopts fully the view of A'u, that the first
chapter is a genuine relic of Confucius himself, for which
view there really is no evidence. And he thinks also that
all that follows should be attributed to the disciple,
3ang-3ze, which is contrary to the evidence which the
Treatise itself supplies.

If it were necessary to assign an author for the work, I
should adopt the opinion of A'ia. Kwei (a. D. 30-101), and
assign it to Khung Al, the grandson of Confucius, and
author of the A\ing Yung. ' When Khung Al,' said ATia,

THE LI Kl. CH. III.

'was still alive, and in straits, in Sung, being afraid that
the lessons of the former sage (or sages) would become
obscure, and the principles of the ancient Tis and Kings
fall to the ground, he made the Ta Hsio as the warp of
them, and the ATung Yung as the woof.' This would seem
to have been the opinion of scholars in that early time, and
the only difficulty in admitting it is that A'ang Hsiian does
not mention it. Notwithstanding his silence, the conviction
that Khung K\ wrote both treatises has become very strong
in my mind. There is that agreement in the matter,
method, and style of the two, which almost demands for
them a common authorship.

Book XL. Kwan f.

A fuller account of the ceremony of capping is obtained
from portions of the ninth and other Books, where it comes
in only incidentally, than from this Book in which we might
expect from the title to find all the details of it brought
together. But the object of the unknown writer was to
glorify the rite as the great occasion when a youth stepped
from his immaturity into all the privileges and responsibili-
ties of a man, and to explain some of the usages by which
it had been sought from the earliest times to mark its
importance. This intention is indicated by the second
character in the title called 1, which we have met with only
once before in the name of a Book, — in K\ i, ' the Meaning
of Sacrifices,' the title of XXI. It is employed in the titles
of this and the five Books that follow, and always with the
same force of 'meaning,' 'signification,' 'ideas underlying
the ceremony.' Callery renders correctly Kwan I by
'Signification de la Prise du Chapeau Viril.'

The Chinese cap of manhood always suggests the toga
viril is of the Romans; but there was a difference between
the institutions of the two peoples. The age for assuming
the toga was fourteen; that for receiving the cap was
twenty. The capped Chinese was still young, but he had
grown to man's estate ; the gowned Roman might have
reached puberty, but he was little more than a boy.

BK. XLI. INTRODUCTION. 55

Until the student fully understands the object of the
Treatise, the paragraphs seem intricate and heavy, and the
work of translation is difficult.

Book XLI. HwAn 1.

After capping comes in natural order the ceremony of
marriage ; and we are glad to have, in the first portion of
this Book, so full an account of the objects contemplated
in marriage, the way in which the ceremony was gone about,
and the subsequent proceedings by which the union was
declared to be established.

The writer made much use of the chapters on marriage
in the 1 Li. Nothing is said of the age at which it was the
rule for a young man to marry ; and this, we have seen, is
put down, in other parts of this collection, as thirty. The
same age is mentioned in the Kau Li, XIII, $$, on
the duties of the marriage-contractor. But marriage, we
may assume from the case of Confucius himself, actually
took place earlier in ancient times, as it does now. The
3 z e \ or name of maturity, which was given at the capping,
is commonly said to be the name taken at marriage, as in
Morrison's Dictionary, I, i, page 627.

The duties set forth in the Book, however, are not those
of the young husband, but those of the wife, all comprised
in the general virtue of ' obedience.' After the tenth para-
graph, the author leaves the subject of marriage, and speaks
of the different establishments of the king and queen and of
their functions. So far what is said on these topics bears on
marriage as it sets forth, mystically, that union as analogous
to the relations of heaven and earth, the sun and moon, and
the masculine and feminine energies of nature ; and the
response made by these to the conduct of the human
parties in their wedded union.

■*

56 THE LI Kl. CH. III.

Book XLII. Hsiang Yin Kid 1.

Hsiang was anciently the name for the largest territorial
division of the state. Under the dominion of A^au, from the
hamlet of five families, through the lu, the ju3 the tang,
and the Hu, we rise to the hsiang, nominally containing
12,500 families, and presided over by a 'Great officer.' The
royal domain contained six hsiang, and a feudal state
three.

In more than one of these territorial divisions, there were
festive meetings at regular intervals, all said to be for the
purpose of ' drinking.' There was feasting at them too, but
the viands bore a small proportion to the liquor, called by
the name of A^iu, which has generally been translated
wine, though the grape had nothing to do with it, and
whether it was distilled or merely fermented is a disputed
point.

The festivity described in this Book was at the true Hsiang
meeting, celebrated once in three years, under the super-
intendence of ' the Great officer ' himself, when, in the
principal school or college of the district, he assembled the
gentlemen of accomplishments and virtue, and feasted them.
His object was to select, especially from among the young
men, those who were most likely to prove useful to the
government in various departments of service. There was
in the celebration the germ of the competitive examinations
which have been for so long a characteristic feature of the
Chinese nation.

The writer had before him the sixth and seventh Books
of the 1 Li on the same subject, or their equivalents. He
brings out five things accomplished by the ceremony, all of
a moral and social nature ; but in trying to explain the
arrangements, he becomes allegorical or mystical, and some-
times absurd.

Book XLIII. She 1.

There were various games or competitions of archery;
at the royal court, at the feudal courts, at the meetings in

bk. XLIV. INTRODUCTION. 57

the country districts which form the subject of the last
Book, and probably others of a less public and distinguished
character. We have references in this Book to at least one
of the archery trials at the royal court ; to that at the
feudal courts; and to one presided over by Confucius him-
self, of which it is difficult to assign the occasion. The
object of the author is to show the attention paid to archery
in ancient times, and how it was endeavoured to make it
subservient to moral and educational purposes.

He had before him the accounts of the archery for officers
in Books VIII, IX, and X of the f Li; but he allows
himself more scope, in his observations on them, than the
authors of the two preceding Books, and explains several
practices in his own way, — unsatisfactorily, as I have pointed
out in my notes.

Book XLIV. Yen 1.

The Yen t, or ' Meaning of the Banquet,' is a fragment
of only five paragraphs, which, moreover, are inartistically
put together, the first having no connexion with the others.
The Book should begin with paragraph 2, commencing : —
' The meaning of the Banquet at the feudal courts was this.'
It was of this banquet that the compiler intended to give
his readers an idea.

The greatest of all the ancient banquets was that
which immediately followed the sacrifices in the an-
cestral temple, given to all the kindred of the same sur-
name as the ruler, and to which there are several references
in the Shih King. Thang San-jhai (Ming dynasty)
specifies four other occasions for the banquet besides this : —
It might be given by a feudal prince, without any special
occasion, — like that described in the second of the Praise
Songs of Lii ; or to a high dignitary or Great officer, who
had been engaged in the royal service, — like that in the
Minor Odes of the Kingdom, iii, 3 ; or when a high digni-
tary returned from a friendly mission, — like that also in the
Minor Odes, i, 2 ; or when an officer came from one state
to another on a friendly mission. Many other occasions,

58 THE LI Kt.

CH. III.

however, can be imagined on which public banquets were
appropriate and might be given. The usages at them
would, for the most part, be of the same nature.

The eleventh and twelfth chapters of the I Li are
occupied with the ceremony of the banquet. The author
of this Treatise quotes passages here and there from them,
and appends his own explanation of their educational
significance. Two lessons, he says, were especially illus-
trated in them : — the right relations to be maintained
between superiors and inferiors, and the distinction
between the noble and the mean.

Book XLV. Phing 1.

The subject of the Phing 1 is the interchange of
missions between the ancient feudal states. It was a
rule of the kingdom that those states should by such
interchange maintain a good understanding with one
another, as a means of preventing both internal disturb-
ances and aggression from without. P. Callery gives for
the title: — 'Signification (du Rite) des Visites.' I
have met with it rendered in English by ' The Theory of
Embassies;' but the Phing was not an embassy on any
great state occasion, nor was it requisite that it should be
sent at stated intervals. It could not be long neglected
between two states without risk to the good fellowship
between them, but events might at any time occur in any
one state which would call forth such an expression of
friendly sympathy from others.

A mission occasioned a very considerable expenditure to
the receiving state, and the author, with amusing ingenuity,
explains this as a device to teach the princes and their
peoples to care little for such outlay in comparison with the
maintenance of the custom and its ceremonies.

Those visits are treated with all the necessary details in
the 1 Li, Books XV-XVIII ; and though the extracts from
them are not many, we get from the author a sufficiently
intelligible account of the nature of the missions and the
way in which they were carried through.

bk. xlvi. INTRODUCTION. 59

In paragraph 11, however, he turns to another sub-
ject, and writes at some length about archery, while the
concluding paragraphs (12 and 13) give a conversation
between Confucius and his disciple 3ze-knng on the reasons
why jade is thought so much of. The three paragraphs
have no connexion with those that precede on the subject
of the missions ; and the question arises — Whence were they
derived ? The previous paragraphs, taken from or based
on the I Li, are found in one of the surviving Treatises of
the larger collection of the Greater Tai, the thirty-sixth Book,
called K/iao-sze, in consequence of which the A7/ien-lung
editors suggest that these concluding paragraphs were an
addition made by his relative, Tai Shang. It may have been
so, but we should not thereby be impressed with a high idea
of the skill or judgment with which Shang executed his work.

Book XLVI. Sang Ffj Sze A'ih.

This Book, with which the collection of the Li K\ con-
cludes, is an attempt to explain the usages of the mourning
rites, and especially of the dress, wherein they agree, and
wherein they differ, by referring them to the four constitu-
ents of man's nature, — love, righteousness, the sentiment of
propriety, and knowledge, in harmony with the operations of
heaven and earth in the course of nature. We do not know
who was the author of it, but the A7/ien-lung editors contend
that it could not have been in the original compilation of
the Smaller Tai, and owes its place in the collection to
A'ang Hsiian.

The greater part of it is found in the thirty-ninth, or last
but one1, of the Books still current as the Li of the Greater
Tai; and another part in the 'Narratives of the School,' the
third article in the sixth chapter of that collection2, the
compilation of which in its present form is attributed to
Wang Su in the first half of our third century. But this
second fragment must have existed previously, else A'ang

60 THE LI Kl. CH. III.

himself could not have seen it. The argument of those
editors, therefore, that some scholar, later than the Smaller
Tai, must have incorporated it with what we find in the
Greater Tai, adding a beginning and ending of his own, so
as to form a Book like one of those of Tai Shang, and that
Kang thought it worth his while to preserve it as the last
portion of Shang's collection, — this argument is inconclusive.
The fragment may originally have formed part of Tai Teh's
thirty-ninth Book or of some other, and the whole of this
Book have been arranged, as we now have it by Shang
himself, working, as he is reported to have done, on the
compilation or digest of his cousin. However this be, the
views in the Book are certainly ingenious and deserve to be
read with care.

A few lines in Callery's work are sufficient to translate
all of the Book which is admitted into the expurgated
editions.

THE LI K\.

A COLLECTION OF TREATISES ON THE RULES
OF PROPRIETY OR CEREMONIAL USAGES.

BOOK I. KN\J Lf.

SUMMARY OF THE RULES OF PROPRIETY.

Section I. Part I.

Ch. 1. i. The Summary of the Rules of Pro-
priety says : — Always and in everything let there
be reverence ; with the deportment grave as when

On the names of the whole work and of this book, see the
Introduction, pp. 9-12 and 15-17-

Part I is occupied with general principles and statements about
Propriety rather than with the detail of particular rules. It may
be divided into seven chapters, containing in all thirty-one para-
graphs.

Ch. 1. 1, tells how reverence and gravity, with careful speech,
are essential in Propriety ; and shows its importance to a com-
munity or nation. 2. 2, specifies habits or tendencies incom-
patible with Propriety. 3. 3-5, gives instances of Propriety in
superior men, and directions for certain cases. 4. 6, 7, states the
rules for sitting, standing, and a mission to another state. 5. 8-22,
sets forth how indispensable Propriety is for the regulation of the
individual and society, and that it marks in fact the distinction
between men and brutes. 6. 23-26, indicates how the rules,
unnecessary in the most ancient times, grew with the progress of
society, and were its ornament and security. 7. 27-31, speaks

of the different stages of life, as divided into decades from ten
years to a hundred; and certain characteristics belonging to them.

62 THE LI Kt.

EK. I.

one is thinking (deeply), and with speech composed
and definite. This will make the people tranquil.

2. 2. Pride should not be allowed to grow ; the
desires should not be indulged ; the will should not
be gratified to the full ; pleasure should not be
carried to excess.

3. 3. Men of talents and virtue can be familiar
with others and yet respect them ; can stand in awe
of others and yet love them. They love others and
yet acknowledge the evil that is in them. They
accumulate (wealth) and yet are able to part with
it (to help the needy) ; they rest in what gives them
satisfaction and yet can seek satisfaction elsewhere
(when it is desirable to do so). 4. When you find
wealth within your reach, do not (try to) get it by
improper means ; when you meet with calamity, do
not (try to) escape from it by improper means. Do
not seek for victory in small contentions ; do not
seek for more than your proper share. 5. Do not
positively affirm what you have doubts about ; and
(when you have no doubts), do not let what you say
appear (simply) as your own view l.

4. 6. If a man be sitting, let him do so as a
personator of the deceased 2 ; if he be standing,
let him do so (reverently), as in sacrificing. 7. In

1 The text in the second part of this sentence is not easily
translated and interpreted. I have followed in my version the
view of A'ang, Ku Hsi, and the A7/ien-lung editors. Callery gives
for the whole sentence, ' Ne donnez pas comme certain ce qui est
douteux, mais exposez-le clairement sans arriere-pensee.' Zottoli's
view of the meaning is probably the same as mine : ' Dubius rerum
noli praesumere, sed sincerus ne tibi arroges.'

2 On the personator of the deceased, see vol. iii, pp. 300, 301.
According to the ritual of Aau, the representatives of the dead
always sat, and bore themselves with the utmost gravity.

SECT. I. PT. I. KH\J L?. 63

(observing) the rules of propriety, what is right (for
the time and in the circumstances) should be fol-
lowed. In discharging a mission (to another state),
its customs are to be observed.

5. 8. They are the rules of propriety, that furnish
the means of determining (the observances towards)
relatives, as near and remote ; of settling points
which may cause suspicion or doubt; of distinguishing
where there should be agreement, and where differ-
ence ; and of making clear what is right and what is
wrong. 9. According to those rules, one should not
(seek to) please others in an improper way, nor be
lavish of his words. 10. According to them, one
does not go beyond the definite measure, nor
encroach on or despise others, nor is fond of (presum-
ing) familiarities. 11. To cultivate one's person and
fulfil one's words is .called good conduct. When the
conduct is (thus) ordered, and the words are accor-
dant with the (right) course, we have the substance of
the rules of propriety. 1 2. I have heard that it is
in accordance with those rules that one should be
chosen by others (as their model) ; I have not heard
of his choosing them (to take him as such). I have
heard in the same way of (scholars) coming to learn ;
I have not heard of (the master) going to teach.
13. The course (of duty), virtue, benevolence, and
righteousness cannot be fully carried out without
the rules of propriety ; 14. nor are training and oral
lessons for the rectification of manners complete ;
15. nor can the clearing up of quarrels and discrim-
inating in disputes be accomplished; 16. nor can
(the duties between) ruler and minister, high and
low, father and son, elder brother and younger, be
determined ; 1 7. nor can students for office and

64 the l? k\.

RK. I.

(other) learners, in serving their masters, have an
attachment for them; 18. nor can majesty and
dignity be shown in assigning the different places
at court, in the government of the armies, and in
discharging the duties of office so as to secure the
operation of the laws ; 1 9. nor can there be the (proper)
sincerity and gravity in presenting the' offerings to
spiritual Beings on occasions of supplication, thanks-
giving, and the various sacrifices1. 20. Therefore
the superior man is respectful and reverent, assiduous
in his duties and not going beyond them, retiring
and yielding ; — thus illustrating (the principle of)
propriety. 21. The parrot can speak, and yet is
nothing more than a bird ; the ape can speak, and
yet is nothing more than a beast2. Here now is a
man who observes no rules of propriety ; is not his
heart that of a beast ? But if (men were as) beasts,
and without (the principle of) propriety, father and
son might have the same mate. 22. Therefore,
when the sages arose, they framed the rules of pro-
priety in order to teach men, and cause them, by

1 Four religious acts are here mentioned, in connexion with
which the offerings to spiritual Beings were presented. What
I have called 'various sacrifices' is in Chinese K\ sze. Wu
Khawg says : ' K\ means sacrificial offerings to the spirit (or spirits)
of Earth, and sze those to the spirits of Heaven. Offerings to
the manes of men are also covered by them when they are used
together.'

2 We know that the parrot and some other birds can be taught
to speak ; but I do not know that any animal has been taught to
enunciate words even as these birds do. Williams (Diet. p. 809)
thinks that the shang shang mentioned here may be the rhino-
pithecus Roxellana of P. David, found in Sze-X'/man; but we
have no account of it in Chinese works, so far as I know, that is
not evidently fabulous.

SECT. I. PT. I. KHU LI. 65

their possession of them, to make a distinction
between themselves and brutes.

6. 23. In the highest antiquity they prized (simply
conferring) good ; in the time next to this, giving and
repaying was the thing attended to l. And what the
rules of propriety value is that reciprocity. If I give
a gift and nothing comes in return, that is contrary
to propriety ; if the thing comes to me, and I give
nothing in return, that also is contrary to propriety.

24. If a man observe the rules of propriety, he is in
a condition of security ; if he do not, he is in one of
danger. Hence there is the saying, ' The rules of
propriety should by no means be left unlearned.'

25. Propriety is seen in humbling one's self and
giving honour to others. Even porters and pedlers
are sure to display this giving honour (in some cases) ;
how much more should the rich and noble do so (in
all)! 26. When the rich and noble know to love
propriety, they do not become proud nor dissolute.
When the poor and mean know to love propriety,
their minds do not become cowardly.

7. 27. When one is ten years old, we call him a
boy ; he goes (out) to school. When he is twenty, we
call him a youth ; he is capped. When he is thirty,
we say, ' He is at his maturity; ' he has a wife 2. When

1 Compare with this paragraph the state of ' the highest antiquity'
described in the Tao Teh King, chapters 18, 19, et al.

2 When it is said that at thirty a man has a wife, the meaning
must be that he ought not to reach that age without being married.
Early marriages were the rule in ancient China, as they are now.
Confucius was married when barely twenty. In the same way we
are to understand the being in office at forty. A man might take
office at thirty ; if he reached forty before he did so, there was
something wrong in himself or others.

[27] F

66 THE LI Kl.

BK. I.

he is forty, we say,' He is in his vigour;' he is employed
in office. When he is fifty, we say, 'He is getting
grey;' he can discharge all the duties of an officer.
When he is sixty, we say, ' He is getting old;' he gives
directions and instructions. When he is seventy, we
say, 'He is old;' he delegates his duties to others.
At eighty or ninety, we say of him, 'He is very old.'
When he is seven, we say that he is an object of
pitying love. Such a child and one who is very old,
though they may be chargeable with crime, are not
subjected to punishment. At a hundred, he is called
a centenarian, and has to be fed. 28. A great
officer, when he is seventy, should resign (his charge
of) affairs. 29. If he be not allowed to resign, there
must be given him a stool and staff. When travelling
on service, he must have the attendance of his wife1 ;
and when going to any other state, he will ride in
an easy carriage2. 30, (In another state) he will
style himself ' the old man; ' in his own state, he will
call himself by his name. 31. When from another
they ask (about his state), he must tell them of its
(old) institutions3.

1 Perhaps we should translate here in the plural — ' his women,'
which would include his wife.

2 An ' easy carriage ' was small. Its occupant sat in it, and
did not stand.

3 It is supposed here that the foreign envoys first question the
ruler, who then calls in the help of the aged minister.

SF.CT. I. PT. II.

kh\j li. 67

Part II.

1. 1. In going to take counsel with an elder, one
must carry a stool and a staff with him (for the elder's
use). When the elder asks a question, to reply with-
out acknowledging one's incompetency and (trying
to) decline answering, is contrary to propriety1.

2. 2. For all sons it is the rule : — in winter, to
warm (the bed for their parents), and to cool it in
summer ; in the evening, to adjust everything (for
their repose), and to inquire (about their health) in
the morning ; and, when with their companions, not
to quarrel.

3. 3. Whenever a son, having received the three
(first) gifts (of the ruler), declines (to use) the carriage
and horses, the people of the hamlets and smaller dis-
tricts, and of the larger districts and neighbourhoods,
will proclaim him filial ; his brothers and relatives,
both by consanguinity and affinity, will proclaim him

Part II enters more into detail about the rules of Propriety.
It has been divided into seven chapters, containing in all thirty-two
paragraphs.

Ch. 1. 1, speaks of a junior consulting an elder. 2. 2, describes
services due from all sons to their parents. 3. 3, shows a filial
son when raised to higher rank than his father. 4. 4-16, con-
tains rules for a son in various circumstances, especially with
reference to his father. 5. 17-26, gives the rules for younger
men in their intercourse with their teachers ami elders generally,
and in various cases. 6. 27, is the rule for an officer in entering
the gate of his ruler or coming out by it. 7. 28-32, deals with a
host and visitor, and ceremonious visiting and intercourse generally.

1 The reply of Tsang Shan to Confucius, as related in vol. iii,
pp. 465, 466, is commonly introduced in illustration of this second
sentence.

F 2

68 THE LI kL

BK. I.

loving ; his friends who are fellow-officers will pro-
claim him virtuous ; and his friends who are his
associates will proclaim him true1.

4. 4. When he sees an intimate friend of his
father, not to presume to go forward to him without
being told to do so; nor to retire without being told;
nor to address him without being questioned : — this
is the conduct of a filial son. 5. A son, when he is
going abroad, must inform (his parents where he is
going); when he returns, he must present himself
before them. Where he travels must be in some
fixed (region) ; what he engages in must be some
(reputable) occupation. 6. In ordinary conversa-
tion (with his parents), he does not use the term
1 old ' (with reference to them) 2. 7. He should serve
one twice as old as himself as he serves his father,
one ten years older than himself as an elder brother;
with one five years older he should walk shoulder to
shoulder, but (a little) behind him. 8. W'hen five
are sitting together, the eldest must have a different
mat (by himself) 3. 9. A son should not occupy the
south-west corner of the apartment, nor sit in the

1 The gifts of distinction, conferred by the sovereign on officers,
ministers, and feudal princes, were nine in all ; and the enume-
rations of them are not always the same. The three intended here
are the appointment to office, or rank ; the robes belonging to it ;
and the chariot and horses. We must suppose that the rank
placed the son higher than the father in social position, and that
he declines the third gift from humility, — not to parade himself as
superior to his father and others in his circle.

2 Some understand the rule to be that the son is not to speak
of himself as old ; but the meaning in the translation is the more
approved.

3 Four men were the proper complement for a mat; the eldest
of the five therefore was honoured with another mat for himself.

SECT. I. PT. II.

Kiiij iA. 69

middle of the mat (which he occupies alone), nor
walk in the middle of the road, nor stand in the
middle of the doorway1. 10. He should not take
the part of regulating the (quantity of) rice and
other viands at an entertainment. 1 1. 'He should not
act as personator of the dead at sacrifice2. 12. He
should be (as if he were) hearing (his parents) when
there is no voice from them, and as seeing them
when they are not actually there. 13. He should not
ascend a height, nor approach the verge of a depth ;
he should not indulge in reckless reviling or derisive
laughing. A filial son will not do things in the dark,
nor attempt hazardous undertakings, fearing lest he
disgrace his parents. 14. While his parents are
alive, he will not promise a friend to die (with or
for him)3, nor will he have wealth that he calls his
own. 15. A son, while his parents are alive, will
not wear a cap or (other) article of dress, with a
white border4. 16. An orphan son, taking his
father's place, will not wear a cap or (other article
of) dress with a variegated border5.

5.17. A boy should never he allowed to see an

1 The father is supposed to be alive; the south-west part of
an apartment was held to be the most honourable, and must be
reserved for him. So of the other things.

2 This was in the ancestral worship. A son, acting such a part,
would have to receive the homage of his father.

3 I have known instances of Chinese agreeing to die with or for
a friend, who wished to avenge a great wrong. See the covenant
of the three heroes of the ' romance of the Three Kingdoms,' near
the beginning.

4 White was and is the colour worn in mourning.

5 The son here is the eldest son and heir ; even after the regular
period of mourning is over, he continues to wear it in so far. The
other sons were not required to do so.

JO THE LI Kl. BK. I.

instance of deceit1. 18. A lad should not wear a
jacket of fur nor the skirt2. He must stand straight
and square, and not incline his head in hearing. 19.
When an elder is holding him with the hand, he
should hold the elder's hand with both his hands.
When the elder has shifted his sword to his back
and is speaking to him with the side of his face bent
down, he should cover his mouth with his hand in
answering3. 20. When he is following his teacher4,
he should not quit the road to speak with another
person. When he meets his teacher on the road, he
should hasten forward to him, and stand with his
hands joined across his breast. If the teacher speak to
him, he will answer; if he do not, he will retire with
hasty steps. 21. When, following an elder, they
ascend a level height, he must keep his face towards
the quarter to which the elder is looking. 22. When
one has ascended the wall of a city, he should not
point, nor call out5. 23. When he intends to go to
a lodging-house, let it not be with the feeling that
he must get whatever he asks for. 24. When about
to go up to the hall (of a house), he must raise his
voice. When outside the door there are two (pairs

1 This maxim deserves to be specially noted. It will remind
the reader of Juvenal's lines : —

' Maxima debetur puero reverentia. Si quid
Turpe paras, nee tu pueri contempseris annos.'

2 To make him handy, and leave him free to execute any service
required of him.

3 The second sentence here is difficult to construe, and the
critics differ much in dealing with it. Zottoli's version is—' Si e
dorso vel latere transverso ore (superior) eloquatur ei, tunc obducto
ore respondebit.'

4 ' Teacher ' is here ' the one born before him,' denoting ' an old
man who teaches youth.'

5 And thus make himself an object of general observation.

SECT. I. PT. II. Kllij LI. 71

of) shoes1, if voices be heard, he enters ; if voices be
not heard, he will not enter. 25. When about to
enter the door, he must keep his eyes cast down.
As he enters, he should (keep his hands raised as
high as if he were) bearing the bar of the door. In
looking down or up, he should not turn (his head).
If the door were open, he should leave it open ; if
it were shut, he should shut it again. If there be
others (about) to enter after him, while he (turns to)
shut the door, let him not do so hastily. 26. Let
him not tread on the shoes (left outside the door),
nor stride across the mat (in going to take his seat) ;
but let him hold up his dress, and move hastily to
his corner (of the mat). (When seated), he must be
careful in answering or assenting.

6. 27. A great officer or (other) officer should go
out or in at the ruler's doors2, on the right of the
middle post, without treading on the threshold.

7. 28. Whenever (a host has received and) is
entering with a guest, at every door he should
give place to him. When the guest arrives at
the innermost door (or that leading to the feast-

1 It was the custom in China, as it still is in Japan, to take off
the shoes, and leave them outside the door on entering an apart-
ment. This paragraph and the next tell us how a new-comer
should not enter an apartment hastily, so as to take those already
there by surprise.

2 It is necessary to translate here in the plural. Anciently, as
now, the palace, mansion, or public office was an aggregate of
courts, with buildings in them, so that the visitor passed from one
to another through a gateway, till he reached the inner court which
conducted to the hall, behind which again were the family apart-
ments. The royal palace had five courts and gates; that of a
feudal lord had three. Each gate had its proper name. The
whole assemblage of buildings was much deeper than it was wide.

72 THE LI Kl.

BK. I.

room), the host will ask to be allowed to enter
first and arrange the mats. Having done this, he
will come out to receive the guest, who will refuse
firmly (to enter first). The host having made
a low bow to him, they will enter (together).
29. When they have entered the door, the host
moves to the right, and the guest to the left, the
former going to the steps on the east, and the
latter to those on the west. If the guest be of
the lower rank, he goes to the steps of the host
(as if to follow him up them). The host firmly
declines this, and he returns to the other steps on
the west1. 30. They then offer to each other the
precedence in going up, but the host commences
first, followed (immediately) by the other. They
bring their feet together on every step, thus ascend-
ing by successive paces. He who ascends by the
steps on the east should move his right foot first,
and the other at the western steps his left foot. 31.
Outside the curtain or screen2 (a visitor) should not
walk with the formal hasty steps, nor above in the
hall, nor when carrying the symbol of jade. Above,
in the raised hall, the foot-prints should be along-
side each other, but below it free and separate. In
the apartment the elbows should not be held out
like wings in bowing. 32. When two (equals) are
sitting side by side, they do not have their elbows
extended crosswise. One should not kneel in hand-
ing anything to a (superior) standing, nor stand in
handing it to him sitting.

1 The host here is evidently of high dignity, living in a mansion.

2 The screen was in front of the raised hall, in the courtyard ;
until they passed it visitors might not be in view of their host, and
could feel at ease in their carriage and movements.

SECT. I. PT. III. Klltj LI. J $

Part III.

1. i. In all cases of (a lad's) carrying away the
dirt that has been swept up from the presence of
an elder, it is the rule that he (place) the brush on
the basket, keeping his sleeve before it as he retires.
The dust is not allowed to reach the elder, because
he carries the basket with its mouth turned towards
himself. 2. He carries the (elder's) mat in his arms
like the cross-beam of a shadoof. 3. If it be a mat

Part III continues to lay down the rules for various duties and
classes of duties. It extends to sixty-seven paragraphs, which may
be comprised in twenty-one chapters.

Ch. 1. 1-4, describes a youth's ways in sweeping for an elder
and in carrying and placing his mats. 2. 5-7, relates to host
and guest. 3. 8-19, is about a youth, especially a pupil, in
attendance on his elders. 4. 20-26, is about his ways in serving
a superior. 5. 27-29, is about the shoes in visiting. 6. 30-39,
gives rules about not interfering with people's private affairs, and
avoiding, between male and female, what would cause suspicion.

7. 40, is a message of congratulation to a friend on his marriage.

8. 41, is about consideration for the poor and the old. 9. 42-46,
gives rules for the naming of sons and daughters. 10. 47-51,
describes the arrangement of the dishes, and the behaviour of the
host and guests, at an entertainment. 11. 52, we have a youth
and his host eating together. 12. 53, shows how people, eating
together, ought to behave. 13. 54-58, is about things to be
avoided in eating. 14. 59, shows us host and guest at the
close of the entertainment. In 15. 60, we have a youth and elder
drinking together. 16. 61, is about a gift from an elder.
17. 62, shows how the kernel of a fruit given by an elder is to be
dealt with in his presence. 18. 63, 64, relates to gifts at a feast
from the ruler, and how they are to be used. 19. 65, is about a
ruler asking an attendant to share in a feast. 20. 66, is about
the use of chopsticks with soup. 21. 67, gives the rules for
paring a melon for the ruler and others.

74 THE LI Kl.

BK. I.

to sit on, he will ask in what direction (the elder) is
going to turn his face ; if it be to sleep on, in what
direction he is going to turn his feet. 4. If a mat
face the south or the north, the seat on the west is
accounted that of honour ; if it face the east or the
west, the seat on the south.

2. 5. Except in the case of guests who are there
(simply) to eat and drink, in spreading the mats a
space of ten cubits should be left between them1.

6. When the host kneels to adjust the mats (of a
visitor), the other should kneel and keep hold of
them, declining (the honour)2. When the visitor
(wishes to) remove one or more, the host should
firmly decline to permit him to do so. When the
visitor steps on his mats, (the host) takes his seat.

7. If the host have not put some question, the visitor
should not begin the conversation.

3. 8. When (a pupil) is about to go to his mat, he
should not look discomposed. With his two hands he
should hold up his lower garment, so that the bottom
of it may be a cubit from the ground. His clothes
should not hang loosely about him, nor should there
be any hurried movements of his feet. 9. If any
writing or tablets of his master, or his lute or cithern
be in the way, he should kneel down and remove
them, taking care not to disarrange them. 10.
When sitting and doing nothing, he should keep
quite at the back (of his mat) ; when eating, quite
at the front of it3. He should sit quietly and keep

1 To allow space and freedom for gesticulation.

2 Two or more mats might be placed over each other in honour
of the visitor.

3 The dishes were placed before the mats.

SECT. I. PT. III.

khu Li. 75

a watch on his countenance. If there be any
subject on which the elder has not touched, let
him not introduce it irregularly. n. Let him
keep his deportment correct1, and listen respect-
fully. Let him not appropriate (to himself) the
words (of others), nor (repeat them) as (the echo
does the) thunder. If he must (adduce proofs), let
them be from antiquity, with an appeal to the
ancient kings. 12. When sitting by his side, and
the teacher puts a question, (the learner) should not
reply till (the other) has finished. 13. When request-
ing (instruction) on the subject of his studies, (the^
learner) should rise ; when requesting further infor-
mation, he should rise. 14. When his father calls,
(a youth) should not (merely) answer ' yes,' nor when
his teacher calls. He should, with (a respectful)
' yes,' immediately rise (and go to them). 15. When
one is sitting in attendance on another whom he
honours and reveres, he should not allow any part
of his mat to keep them apart2, nor will he rise when
he sees others (come in) of the same rank as himself.
1 6. When the torches come, he should rise ; and also
when the viands come in, or a visitor of superior
rank;?. 17. The torches should not (be allowed to
burn) till their ends can be seen. 18. Before an
honoured visitor we should not shout (even) at

1 Here, and in some other places, we find the second per-
sonal pronoun; as if the text were made up from different
sources. I have translated, however, as if we had only the third
person.

2 He should sit on the front of his mat, to be as near the other
as possible.

3 The torches were borne by boys. They were often changed,
that the visitors might not be aware how the time was passing.

j6 THE LI Kl.

BK. I.

a dog. 19. When declining any food, one should
not spit.

4. 20. When one is sitting in attendance on
another of superior character or rank, and that other
yawns or stretches himself, or lays hold of his staff
or shoes, or looks towards the sun to see if it be early
or late, he should ask to be allowed to leave. 21. In
the same position, if the superior man put a question
on a new subject, he should rise up in giving his reply.
22. Similarly, if there come some one saying (to the
superior man), ' I wish, when you have a little
leisure, to report to you,' he should withdraw to the
left or right and wait. 23. Do not listen with the
head inclined on one side, nor answer with a loud
sharp voice, nor look with a dissolute leer, nor keep
the body in a slouching position1. 24. Do not
saunter about with a haughty gait, nor stand with
one foot raised. Do not sit with your knees wide
apart, nor sleep on your face. 25. Have your hair
gathered up, and do not use any false hair2. 26.
Let not the cap be laid aside ; nor the chest be bared,
(even) when one is toiling hard ; nor let the lower
garment be held up (even) in hot weather.

5. 27. When (going to) sit in attendance on an
elder, (a visitor) should not go up to the hall with
his shoes on, nor should he presume to take them
off in front of the steps. 28. (When any single
visitor is leaving), he will go to his shoes, kneel
down and take them up, and then move to one side.
29. (When the visitors retire in a body) with their

1 The style and form of 23-26 differ from the preceding.
Perhaps they should form a paragraph by themselves.

2 Which women were accustomed to do.

sect. i. pt. in. Kiiij ii. 77

faces towards the elder, (they stand) by the shoes,
which they then, kneeling, remove (some distance),
and, stooping down, put on1.

6. 30. When two men are sitting or standing
together, do not join them as a third. When two
are standing together, another should not pass
between them. 31. Male and female should not sit
together (in the same apartment), nor have the same
stand or rack for their clothes, nor use the same
towel or comb, nor let their hands touch in giving
and receiving. 32. A sister-in-law and brother-in-
law do not interchange inquiries (about each other).
None of the concubines in a house should be
employed to wash the lower garment (of a son)2.
S3. Outside affairs should not be talked of inside
the threshold (of the women's apartments), nor inside
(or women's) affairs outside it. 34. When a youno-
lady is promised in marriage, she wears the strings
(hanging down to her neck)3; and unless there be
some great occasion, no (male) enters the door of
her apartment4. 35. When a married aunt, or sister,
or daughter returns home (on a visit), no brother (of
the family) should sit with her on the same mat or
eat with her from the same dish. (Even) the father
and daughter should not occupy the same mat5. 36.

1 The host would be seeing the visitors off, and therefore they
would keep their faces towards him.

2 Concubines might be employed to wash clothes ; delicacy for-
bade their washing the lower garments of the sons.

Those strings were symbolic of the union with and subjection
to her husband to which she was now pledged.

4 Great sickness or death, or other great calamity, would be
such an occasion.

This is pushing the rule to an extreme. The sentence is also
(but wrongly) understood of father and son.

78 THE Li k\.

BK. 1.

Male and female, without the intervention of the
matchmaker, do not know each other's name. Unless
the marriage presents have been received, there
should be no communication nor affection between
them. 2>7- Hence the day and month (of the mar-
riage) should be announced to the ruler, and to the
spirits (of ancestors) with purification and fasting ; and
(the bridegroom) should make a feast, and invite
(his friends) in the district and neighbourhood, and
his fellow-officers : — thus giving its due importance
to the separate position (of male and female). 38.
One must not marry a wife of the same surname with
himself. Hence, in buying a concubine, if he do not
know her surname, he must consult the tortoise-shell
about it1. 39. With the son of a widow, unless he
be of acknowledged distinction, one should not
associate himself as a friend.

7. 40. When one congratulates (a friend) on his
marrying, his messenger says, ' So and So has sent
me. Having heard that you are having guests, he
has sent me with this present.'

8. 41. Goods and wealth are not to be expected
from the poor in their discharge of the rules of pro-
priety ; nor the display of sinews and strength from
the old.

9. 42. In giving a name to a son, it should not
be that of a state, nor of a day or a month, nor
of any hidden ailment, nor of a hill or river2. 43.

1 Not to find out what her surname is, but to determine whether
it be the same as that of the gentleman or not.

2 Such names were so common, thit if it became necessary to
avoid them, as it might be, through the death of the party or on
other grounds, it would be difficult and inconvenient to do so.

SECT. I. PT. III. A'7/C LI. 79

Sons and daughters should have their (relative) ages
distinguished1. 44. A son at twenty is capped, and
receives his appellation2. 45. Before his father a
son should be called by his name, and before his ruler
a minister'5. 46. When a daughter is promised in
marriage, she assumes the hair-pin, and receives her
appellation.

10. 47. The rules for bringing in the dishes for
an entertainment are the following : — The meat
cooked on the bones is set on the left, and the
sliced meat on the right ; the rice is placed on the
left of the parties on the mat, and the soup on their
right ; the minced and roasted meat are put outside
(the chops and sliced meat), and the pickles and
sauces inside ; the onions and steamed onions succeed
to these, and the drink and syrups are on the right.
When slices of dried and spiced meat are put down,
where they are folded is turned to the left, and the
ends of them to the right. 48. If a guest be of
lower rank (than his entertainer), he should take up
the rice4, rise and decline (the honour he is receiving).
The host then rises and refuses to allow the truest

(to retire). After this the guest will resume his seat.
49. When the host leads on the guests to present an
offering (to the father of cookery), they will begin

1 As primus, prima; secundus, secunda, &c.

2 The appellation was thus the name given (at a family meeting)
to a youth who had reached man's estate. Morrison (Diet. i. 627)
calls it the name taken by men when they marry. Such a usage
testifies to the early marriages in ancient China, as referred to in
note 2, p. 65.

3 There might be some meaning in the appellation which would
seem to place its bearer on the level of his father or his ruler.

4 The rice is called ' the principal article in a feast.' Hence
the humbler guest takes it up, as symbolical of all the others.

8o THE LI Kl. BK. I.

with the dishes which were first brought in. Going
on from the meat cooked on the bones they will
offer of all (the other dishes)1. 50. After they have
eaten three times, the host will lead on the guests to
take of the sliced meat, from which they will go on
to all the other dishes. 51. A guest should not
rinse his mouth with spirits till the host has gone
over all the dishes.

11. 52. When (a youth) is in attendance on an
elder at a meal, if the host give anything to him
with his own hand, he should bow to him and
eat it. If he do not so give him anything, he
should eat without bowing.

12. 53. When eating with others from the same
dishes, one should not try to eat (hastily) to
satiety. When eating with them from the same dish
of rice, one should not have to wash his hands 2.

13. 54. Do not roll the rice into a ball; do not
bolt down the various dishes ; do not swill down
(the soup). 55. Do not make a noise in eating; do
not crunch the bones with the teeth ; do not put
back fish you have been eating; do not throw
the bones to the dogs ; do not snatch (at what
you want). 56. Do not spread out the rice (to
cool); do not use chopsticks in eating millet3.

1 This paragraph refers to a practice something like our ' saying
grace.' According to Khung Ying-ta, a little was taken from all
the dishes, and placed on the ground about them as an offering to
' the father of cookery.'

2 As all ate from the same dish of rice without chopsticks or
spoons, it was necessary they should try to keep their hands clean.
Some say the ' washing ' was only a rubbing of the hands with
sand.

3 A spoon was the proper implement in eating millet.

SFXT. I. PT. III.

KHU ii. 8 I

57. Do not (try to) gulp down soup with vegeta-
bles in it, nor add condiments to it ; do not keep
picking the teeth, nor swill down the sauces. If a
guest add condiments, the host will apologise for
not having had the soup prepared better. If he
swill down the sauces, the host will apologise for his
poverty1. 58. Meat that is wet (and soft) may be
divided with the teeth, but dried flesh cannot be so
dealt with. Do not bolt roast meat in large pieces.

14. 59. When they have done eating, the guests
will kneel in front (of the mat), and (begin to)
remove the (dishes) of rice and sauces to give
them to the attendants. The host will then rise
and decline this service from the guests, who will
resume their seats.

15. 60. If a youth is in attendance on, and
drinking with, an elder, when the (cup of) spirits
is brought to him, he rises, bows, and (goes to)
receive it at the place where the spirit-vase is kept.
The elder refuses (to allow him to do so), when he
returns to the mat, and (is prepared) to drink. The
elder (meantime) lifts (his cup) ; but until he has
emptied it, the other does not presume to drink his.

16. 61. When an elder offers a gift, neither a
youth, nor one of mean condition, presumes to
decline it.

17. 62. When a fruit is given by the ruler and in
his presence, if there be a kernel in it, (the receiver)
should place it in his bosom2.

1 The sauce should be too strong to be swallowed largely and
hurriedly.

2 Lest he should seem to throw away anything given by the
ruler.

M G

82 THE Li Kl.

BK. I.

18. 63. When one is attending the ruler at a meal,
and the ruler gives him anything that is left, if it be
in a vessel that can be easily scoured, he does not
transfer it (to another of his own) ; but from any
other vessel he should so transfer it K

19. 64. Portions of (such) food should not be
used as offerings (to the departed). A father should
not use them in offering even to a (deceased) son,
nor a husband in offering to a (deceased) wife2.

20. 65. When one is attending an elder and (called
to) share with him (at a feast), though the viands
may be double (what is necessary), he should not
(seek) to decline them. If he take his seat (only) as
the companion of another (for whom it has been
prepared), he should not decline them.

21. 66. If the soup be made with vegetables,
chopsticks should be used ; but not if there be no
vegetables.

22. 67. He who pares a melon for the son of
Heaven should divide it into four parts and then into
eight, and cover them with a napkin of fine linen.
For the ruler of a state, he should divide it into four
parts, and cover them with a coarse napkin. To a
great officer he should (present the four parts) un-
covered. An inferior officer should receive it (simply)
with the stalk cut away. A common man will deal
with it with his teeth.

l" A vessel of potter's ware or metal can be scoured, and the
part which his mouth has touched be cleansed before the ruler
uses it again.

2 The meaning of this paragraph is not clear.

SKCT. I. PT. IV.

KH\j LI. 8}

Part IV.

1. i. When his father or mother is ill, (a young
man) who has been capped should not use his comb,
nor walk with his elbows stuck out, nor speak on
idle topics, nor take his lute or cithern in hand. He
should not eat of (different) meats till his taste is
changed, nor drink till his looks are changed1. He
should not laugh so as to show his teeth, nor be
angry till he breaks forth in reviling. When the ill-
ness is gone, he may resume his former habits. 2.
He who is sad and anxious should sit with his mat

Part IV contains fifty-two paragraphs, which have been arranged
in ten chapters, stating the rules to be observed in a variety of
cases.

Ch. 1. 1, 2, treats of the ways of a young man who is sorrowful
in consequence of the illness or death of a parent. 2. 3-26,
treats of the rules in giving and receiving, and of messages con-
nected therewith. The presentations mentioned are all from in-
feriors to superiors. 3. 27, 28, does not lay down rules, but
gives characteristics of the superior man, and the methods by
which he preserves his friendships unbroken. 4. 29, 30, refers to
the arrangement of the tablets in the ancestral temple, and to the
personators of the dead. 5. 31, tells how one fasting should
keep himself from being excited. 6. 32-34, sets forth cautions
against excess in the demonstrations of mourning. 7. 35, 36,

speaks of sorrowing for the dead and condoling with the living.
8- 37. 38, gives counsels of prudence for one under the influence
of sympathy and benevolent feeling. 9. 39-48, describes rules
in connexion with mourning, burials, and some other occasions.
10. 49-52, describes gradations in ceremonies and in the penal
statutes; and how a criminal who has been punished should never
be permitted to be near the ruler.

1 Does the rule about eating mean that the anxious son should
restrict himself to a single dish of meat ?

G 2

84 THE LI A'?. BK. I.

spread apart from others ; he who is mourning (for
a death) should sit on a single mat1.

2. 3. When heavy rains have fallen, one should
not present fish or tortoises (to a superior)2. 4. He
who is presenting a bird should turn its head on one
side ; if it be a tame bird, this need not be done. 5.
He who is presenting a carriage and horses should
carry in his hand (to the hall) the whip, and strap
for mounting by3. 6. He who is presenting a suit
of mail should carry the helmet (to the hall). He
who is presenting a staff should hold it by its
end4. 7. He who is presenting a captive should
hold him by the right sleeve5. 8. He who is pre-
senting grain unhulled should carry with him the left
side of the account (of the quantity) ; if the hull be
off, he should carry with him a measure-drum6.
9. He who is presenting cooked food, should carry
with him the sauce and pickles for it. 10. He who
is presenting fields and tenements should carry with
him the writings about them, and give them up
(to the superior). 11. In every case of giving a
bow to another, if it be bent, the (string of) sinew
should be kept upwards ; but if unbent, the horn.

1 Grief is solitary. A mourner afflicts himself.

2 Because the fish in such a case are so numerous as not to be
valuable, or because the fish at the time of the rains are not clean.
Other reasons for the rule have been assigned.

3 The whip and strap, carried up to the hall, represented the
carriage and horses, left in the courtyard.

4 For convenience ; and because the end, going into the mud,
was not so honourable.

5 So that he could not attempt any violence.

6 The account was in duplicate, on the same tablet. The right
was held to be the more honourable part. ' Drum ' was the name
of the measure.

SECT. I. PT. IV.

KIW li. 8 s

(The giver) should with his right hand grasp die end
of die bow, and keep his left under the middle of the
back. The (parties, without regard to their rank
as) high and low, (bow to each other) till the napkins
(at their girdles) hang down (to the ground). If the
host (wish to) bow (still lower), the other moves on
one side to avoid the salutation. The host then
takes the bow, standing on the left of the other.
Putting his hand under that of the visitor, he lays
hold of the middle of the back, having his face in the
same direction as the other ; and thus he receives
(the bow). 12. He who is giving a sword should do
so with the hilt on his left side1. 13. He who is
giving a spear with one hook should do so with the
metal end of the shaft in front, and the sharp edge
behind. 14. He who is presenting one with two
hooks, or one with a single hook and two sharp
points, should do so with the blunt shaft in front.
15. He who is giving a stool or a staff should (first)
wipe it. 16. He who is presenting a horse or a
sheep should lead it with his right hand. 17. He
who is presenting a dog should lead it with
his left hand. 18. He who is carrying a bird (as
his present of introduction) should do so with the
head to the left-. 19. For the ornamental covering
of a lamb or a goose, an embroidered cloth should
be used. 20. He who receives a pearl or a piece of
jade should do so with both his hands. 21. He who
receives a bow or a sword should do so (having his
hands covered) with his sleeves3. 22. He who has

1 That the receiver may take it with his right hand.

2 Compare paragraph 4. In this case the bird was carried across
the body of the donor with its head on his left.

3 A different case from that in paragraph n. It is supposed that

A A

86 THE LI Kl. BK. i.

drunk from a cup of jade should not (go on to) shake
it out1. 23. Whenever friendly messages are about
to be sent, with the present of a sword or bow, or of
(fruit, flesh, and other things, wrapped in) matting of
rushes, with grass mats, and in baskets, round and
square, (the messenger) has these things (carried
with him, when he goes) to receive his commission,
and deports himself as when he will be discharging
it2. 24. Whenever one is charged with a mission by
his ruler, after he has received from him his orders,
and (heard all) he has to say, he should not remain
over the night in his house. 25. When a message
from the ruler comes (to a minister), the latter should
go out and bow (to the bearer), in acknowledgment
of the honour of it. When the messenger is about
to return, (the other) must bow to him (again), and
escort him outside the gate. 26. If (a minister) send
a message to his ruler, he must wear his court-robes
when he communicates it to the bearer ; and on his
return, he must descend from the hall, to receive (the
ruler's) commands.

3. 27. To acquire extensive information and re-
member retentively, while (at the same time) he is
modest ; to do earnestly what is good, and not
become weary in so doing :— these are the charac-
teristics of him whom we call the superior man.
28. A superior man does not accept everything by
which another would express his joy in him, or his
devotion to him3; and thus he preserves their friendly
intercourse unbroken.

here the two things were presented together, and received as on a
cushion.

1 Because of the risk to a thing so valuable.
A rehearsal of what he would have to do.

! E. g., it is said, festive entertainments and gifts.

SECT. I. PT. IV. KHU LI. 87

4. 29. A rule of propriety says, ' A superior man
may carry his grandson in his arms, but not his son.'
This tells us that a grandson may be the personator
of his deceased grandfather (at sacrifices), but a son
cannot be so of his father1. 30. When a great
officer or (other) officer sees one who is to person-
ate the dead (on his way to the ancestral temple),
he should dismount from his carriage to him. The
ruler himself, when he recognises him, should do the
same2. The personator (at the same time) must bow-
forward to the cross-bar. In mounting the carriage,
he must use a stool.

5. 31. One who is fasting (in preparation for a
sacrifice) should neither listen to music nor condole
with mourners3.

6. 32. According to the rules for the period of
mourning (for a father), (a son) should not emaciate
himself till the bones appear, nor let his seeing and
hearing be affected (by his privations). He should
not go up to, nor descend from, the hall by the steps
on the east (which his father used), nor go in or out
by the path right opposite to the (centre of the) gate.
33. According to the same rules, if he have a scab
on his head, he should wash it ; if he have a sore on
his body, he should bathe it. If he be ill, he should
drink spirits, and eat flesh, returning to his former

1 The tablets of a father and son should not be in the same
line of shrines in the ancestral temple ; and the fact in the para-
graph— hardly credible — seems to be mentioned as giving a reason
for this.

2 The personator had for the time the dignity of the deceased
whom he represented.

3 The fasting and vigil extended to seven clays, and were in-
tended to prepare for the personating duty. What would distract
the mind from this must be eschewed.

88 THE LI Kl.

BK. I.

(abstinence) when he is better. If he make himself
unable to perform his mourning duties, that is like
being unkind and unfilial. 34. If he be fifty, he
should not allow himself to be reduced (by his
abstinence) very much; and, if he be sixty, not at all.
At seventy, he will only wear the unhemmed dress of
sackcloth, and will drink and eat flesh, and occupy
(the usual apartment) inside (his house).

7. 35. Intercourse with the living (will be con-
tinued) in the future ; intercourse with the dead
(friend) was a thing of the past1. 36. He who knows
the living should send (a message of) condolence ;
and he who knew the dead (a message also of his)
grief. He who knows the living, and did not know
the dead, will send his condolence without (that
expression of) his grief; he who knew the dead,
and does not know the living, will send the (expres-
sion of) grief, but not go on to condole.

8. 37. He who is condoling with one who has
mourning rites in hand, and is not able to assist him
with a gift, should put no question about his ex-
penditure. He who is enquiring after another that is
ill, and is not able to send (anything to him), should

1 This gives the reasons for the directions in the next paragraph.
We condole with the living — to console them ; for the dead, we
have only to express our grief for our own loss. P. Zottoli's
translation is : — ' Vivis computatur subsequens dies ; mortuo com-
putatur praecedens dies ; ' and he says in a note :— ' Vivorum
luctus incipit quarta a morte die, et praecedente die seu tertia fit
mortui in feretrum depositio ; luctus igitur et depositio, die inter-
cipiuntur; haec precedit ille subsequetur.' This is after many
critics, from Xang Khang-Mang downwards; but it does great
violence to the text. I have followed the view of the A'^ien-lung
editors.

SECT. I. PT. IV.

KH\J LI. 89

not ask what he would like. He who sees (a travel-
ler), and is not able to lodge him, should not ask
where he is stopping. 38. He who would confer
something on another should not say, ' Come and
take it;' he who would give something (to a smaller
man), should not ask him what he would like.

9. 39. When one goes to a burying-ground, he
should not get up on any of the graves. When
assisting at an interment, one should (join in) hold-
ing the rope attached to the coffin1. 40. In a house
of mourning, one should not laugh. 41. In order to
bow to another, one should leave his own place.
42. When one sees at a distance a coffin with the
corpse in it, he should not sing. When he enters
among the mourners, he should not keep his arms
stuck out. When eating (with others), he should
not sigh. 43. When there are mourning rites in his
neighbourhood, one should not accompany his pestle
with his voice. When there is a body shrouded and
coffined in his village, one should not sing in the
lanes. 44. When going to a burying-ground, one
should not sing, nor on the same day when he has
wailed (with mourners). 45. When accompanying
a funeral, one should not take a by-path. When
taking part in the act of interment, one should not
(try to) avoid mud or pools. When presenting him-
self at any mourning rite, one should have a sad
countenance. When holding the rope, one should
not laugh. 46. When present on an occasion of joy,
one should not sigh. 47. When wearing his coat of

1 The rope here may also be that, or one of those, attached to
the low car on which the coffin was drawn to the grave. Com-
pare paragraph 45.

90 THE LI A'l. BK. I.

mail and helmet, one's countenance should say,
'Who dares meddle with me?' 48. Hence the
superior man is careful to maintain the proper
expression of his countenance before others.

10. 49. Where the ruler of a state lays hold of the
cross-bar, and bends forward to it, a great officer will
descend from his carriage. W'here a great officer
lays hold of the bar and bends forward, another
officer will descend. 50. The rules of ceremony do
not go down to the common people1. 51. The penal
statutes do not go up to great officers2. 52. Men
who have suffered punishment should not (be
allowed to) be by the side of the ruler3.

1 Not that the common people are altogether freed from the
rules. But their occupations are engrossing, and their means
small. Much cannot be expected from them.

2 It may be necessary to punish them, but they should be be-
yond requiring punishment. The application of it, moreover, will
be modified by various considerations. But the regulation is not
good.

3 To preserve the ruler from the contamination of their ex-
ample, and the risk of their revenge.

Part V.

1. 1. A fighting chariot has no cross-board to
assist its occupants in bowing ; in a war chariot the

Part V contains forty-eight paragraphs, which may be arranged
in ten chapters.

Ch. 1. i-io, relates to carriages, especially to war chariots, and
the use of them with their banners and other things in an expe-
dition. 2. 10, gives the rules in avenging the deaths of a father,
brother, and friend. 3. 11, shows the responsibility of ministers
and officers generally in maintaining the defence and the cultivation

SECT. I. PT. V. KHV LI. 91

banner is fully displayed ; in a chariot of peace it is
kept folded round the pole. 2. A recorder should
carry with him in his carriage his implements for
writing1; his subordinates the (recorded) words (of
former covenants and other documents). 3. When
there is water in front, the flag with the green bird2
on it should be displayed. 4. When there is (a
cloud of) dust in front, that with the screaming kites.
5. For chariots and horsemen, that with wild geese in
flight3. 6. For a body of troops, that with a tiger's
(skin). 7. For a beast of prey, that with a leopard's
(skin). 8. On the march the (banner with the) Red
Bird should be in front ; that with the Dark Warrior
behind ; that with the Azure Dragon on the left ;
and that with the White Tiger on the right ; that

of their country. 4. 12-14, relates to sacrifices, — the sacrificers,
their robes, the victims, &c. 5. 15-21, gives rules about avoiding
the mention of certain names. G. 22-27, is on the subject of
divination, — of divining, especially, about the days for contemplated
undertakings. 7. 28-33, describes the yoking the horses to a
ruler's chariot, his taking his seat, and other points. 8. 34, 35,
is about the strap which the driver handed to parties who wished
to mount the carriage. 9. 36, gives three prohibitive rules:
— about a visitor's carriage; a woman riding in a carriage; and
dogs and horses. 10. 37-48, relates various rules about driving

out, for the ruler and people generally.

1 The original character denotes what is now used for ' pencils ;'
but the ordinary pencil had not yet been invented.

2 Some kind of water-bird.

3 A flock of geese maintains a regular order in flying, and was
used to symbolise lines of chariots and horsemen. Khung Ying-ta
observes that chariots were used in the field before cavalry, and
that the mention of horsemen here looks like the close of the A'iu
dynasty. One of the earliest instances of riding on horseback is
in the 3o Awan under the year b. c. 517.

92 THE LI Kl. BK. I.

with the Pointer of the Northern Bushel should be
reared aloft (in the centre of the host) : — all to excite
and direct the fury (of the troops)1. 9. There are
rules for advancing and retreating ; there are the
various arrangements on the left and the right, each
with its (proper) officer to look after it.

2. 10. With the enemy who has slain his father,
one should not live under the same heaven. With
the enemy who has slain his brother, one should
never have his sword to seek (to deal vengeance).
With the enemy who has slain his intimate friend,
one should not live in the same state (without seek-
ing to slay him).

.3. 11. Many ramparts in the country round and
near (a capital) are a disgrace to its high ministers
and great officers2. Where the wide and open
country is greatly neglected and uncultivated, it
is a disgrace to the officers (in charge of it).

4. 12. When taking part in a sacrifice, one should
not show indifference. 13. When sacrificial robes
are worn out, they should be burnt : sacrificial vessels
in the same condition should be buried, as should
the tortoise-shell and divining stalks, and a victim
that has died. 14. All who take part with the ruler
in a sacrifice must themselves remove the stands
(of their offerings).

1 ' The Red Bird ' was the name of the seven constellations of
the southern quarter of the Zodiac ; ' the Dark Warrior ' embraced
those of the northern ; ' the Azure Dragon,' those of the eastern ;
and ' the Tiger,' those of the western. These flags would show
the direction of the march, and seem to suggest that all heaven
was watching the progress of the expedition.

2 As showing that they had not been able to keep invaders at
a distance.

SFXT. I. PT. V. KH\j Ll. 93

5. 15. When the ceremony of wailing is over1, a
son should no longer speak of his deceased father
by his name. The rules do not require the avoiding
of names merely similar in sound to those not to be
spoken. When (a parent had) a double name, the
avoiding of either term (used singly) is not required.
16. While his parents (are alive), and a son is able
to serve them, he should not utter the names of his
grandparents ; when he can no longer serve his
parents (through their death), he need not avoid
the names of his grandparents. 1 7. Names that
would not be spoken (in his own family) need not be
avoided (by a great officer) before his ruler ; in the
great officer's, however, the names proper to be sup-
pressed by the ruler should not be spoken. 18. In
(reading) the books of poetry and history, there need
be no avoiding of names, nor in writing compositions.
19. In the ancestral temple there is no such avoid-
ing. 20. Even in his presence, a minister need not
avoid the names improper to be spoken by the ruler's
wife. The names to be avoided by a wife need not
be unspoken outside the door of the harem. The
names of parties for whom mourning is worn (only)
nine months or five months are not avoided2. 21.
When one is crossing the boundaries (of a state), he
should ask what are its prohibitory laws ; when he
has fairly entered it, he should ask about its customs ;
before entering the door (of a house), he should ask
about the names to be avoided in it.

1 After the burial. Till then they would not allow themselves to
think of the departed as dead.

2 As, in the first place, for uncles ; and in the second, for cousins
and grand-uncles.

94 THE LI A'l. BK. I.

6. 22. External undertakings should be com-
menced on the odd days, and internal on the even1.
23. In all cases of divining about a day, whether by
the tortoise-shell or the stalks, if it be beyond
the decade, it is said, ' on such and such a distant
day,' and if within the decade, ' on such and such a
near day.' For matters of mourning a distant clay
is preferred ; for festive matters a near day2. 24. It
is said, ' For the day we depend on thee, O great
Tortoise-shell, which dost give the regular indications;
we depend on you, O great Divining Stalks, which
give the regular indications.' 25. Divination by the
shell or the stalks should not go beyond three times.
26. The shell and the stalks should not be both
used on the same subject3. 27. Divination by the
shell is called pu; by the stalks, shih. The two
were the methods by which the ancient sage kings
made the people believe in seasons and days, revere
spiritual beings, stand in awe of their laws and orders;
the methods (also) by which they made them deter-
mine their perplexities and settle their misgivings.
Hence it is said, ' If you doubted, and have consulted
the stalks, you need not (any longer) think that you
will do wrong. If the day (be clearly indicated),
boldly do on it (what you desire to do).'

7. 28. When the ruler's carriage is about to have
the horses put to it, the driver should stand before

1 The odd days are called ' strong,' as belonging to the category
of yang ; the even days ' weak,' as of the category of yin.

2 ' A distant day' gave a longer period for cherishing the
memory of the departed; 'a near day' was desired for festive
celebrations, because at them the feeling of ' respect ' was supposed
to predominate.

3 To reverse by the one the indication of the other.

SKCT. I. PT. V.

KH\j LI. 95

them, whip in hand. 29. When they are yoked, he
will inspect the linch pin, and report that the carriage
is ready. 30. (Coming- out again), he should shake
the dust from his clothes, and mount on the right side,
taking hold of the second strap1. He should (then)
kneel in the carriage2. 31. Holding his whip, and
taking the reins separately, he will drive the horses on
five paces, and then stop. 32. When the ruler comes
out and approaches the carriage, the driver should
take all the reins in one hand, and (with the other)
hand the strap to him. The attendants should then
retire out of the way. 33. They should follow
quickly as the carriage drives on. When it reaches
the great gate, the ruler will lay his hand on that of
the driver (that he may drive gently), and, looking
round, will order the warrior for the seat on the right
to come into the carriage3. In passing through the
gates (of a city) or village, and crossing the water-
channels, the pace must be reduced to a walk.

8. 34. In all cases it is the rule for the driver to
hand the strap (to the person about to mount the
carriage). If the driver be of lower rank (than him-
self) that other receives it. If this be not the case,
he should not do so4. 35. If the driver be of the
lower rank, the other should (still) lay his own

1 In a carriage the ruler occupied the seat on the left side ; the
driver avoided this by mounting on the right side. Each carriage
was furnished with two straps to assist in mounting ; but the use
of one was confined to the chief occupant.

2 But only till the ruler had taken his seat.

3 This spearman occupied the seat on the right ; and took his
place as they were about to pass out of the palace precincts.

4 That is, I suppose, he wishes the driver to let go the strap that
he may take hold of it himself.

96 THE Li Kl. BK. r.

hand on his (as if to stop him). If this be not the
case (and the driver will insist on handing it), the
other should take hold of the strap below (the
driver's hand).

9. 36. A guest's carriage does not enter the great
gate ; a woman does not stand up in her carriage ;
dogs and horses are not taken up to the hall1.

10. 2,7- Hence2, the ruler bows forward to his
cross-board to (an old man of) yellow hair ; he
dismounts (and walks on foot) past the places of
his high nobles (in the audience court)3. He does
not gallop the horses of his carriage in the capital ;
and should bow forward on entering a village. 38.
When called by the ruler's order, though through a
man of low rank, a great officer, or (other) officer,
must meet him in person. 39. A man in armour
does not bow, he makes an obeisance indeed, but it
is a restrained obeisance. 40. When the carriage
of a deceased ruler is following at his interment, the
place on the left should be vacant. When (any of
his ministers on other occasions) are riding in (any of)
the ruler's carriages, they do not presume to leave the
seat on the left vacant, but he who occupies it should
bend forward to the cross-board4. 41. A charioteer

1 The carriage halted outside in testimony of the guest's respect.
A man stood up in the carriage ; a woman, as weaker, did not
do so. For horses, see the rules in Part IV, 5. Dogs were too
insignificant to be taken up.

2 We do not see the connexion indicated by the ' hence.'

3 Leaving the palace, he walks past those places to his carriage.
Returning, he dismounts before he comes to them.

4 The first sentence of this paragraph has in the original only
four characters; as P. Zottoli happily renders them in Latin,
' Fausti currus vacante sinistra;' but they form a complete

SF.CT. I. PT. V. A'7/U Li. 9~

driving a woman should keep his left hand advanced
(with the reins in it), and his right hand behind him1.
42. When driving the ruler of a state, (the charioteer)
should have his right hand advanced, with the left
kept behind and the head bent down. 43. The
ruler of a state should not ride in a one-wheeled
carriage2. In his carriage one should not cough
loudly, nor point with his hand in an irregular way.
44. Standing (in his carriage) one should look (for-
ward only) to the distance of five revolutions of the
wheels. Bending forward, he should (do so only till
he) sees the tails of the horses. He should not turn
his head round beyond the (line of the) naves. 45.
In the (streets of the) capital one should touch the
horses gently with the brush-end of the switch. He
should not urge them to their speed. The dust
should not fly beyond the ruts. 46. The ruler of a
state should bend towards the cross-board when he
meets a sacrificial victim, and dismount (in passing)
the ancestral temple. A great officer or (other)
officer should descend (when he comes to) the ruler's
gate, and bend forward to the ruler's horses3. 47.

sentence. The left seat was that of the ruler in life, and was now
left vacant for his spirit. Khung Ying-ta calls the carriage in
question, 'the Soul Carriage ' (hwan /£ii). A ruler had five
different styles of carriage, all of which might be used on occa-
sions of state ; as in the second sentence.

1 The woman was on the driver's left, and they were thus turned
from each other as much as possible.

2 Common so long ago as now, but considered as beneath a
ruler's dignity. So, Wang Tao. See also the Khang-hsi dictionary
under ^ (M).

The text says that the ruler should dismount before a victim,
and bow before the temple. The verbal characters have been
misplaced, as is proved by a passage of the commentary on the
[27] II

98 THE LI Kl. BK. I.

(A minister) riding in one of the ruler's carriages
must wear his court robes. He should have the
whip in the carriage with him, (but not use it). He
should not presume to have the strap handed to him.
In his place on the left, he should bow forward to
the cross-board. 48. (An officer) walking the ruler's
horses should do so in the middle of the road. If
he trample on their forage, he should be punished,
and also if he look at their teeth, (and go on to
calculate their age).

Official Book of Aau, where one part is quoted. The A7nen-lung
editors approve of the alteration made in the version above.

SECT. II. PT. I. KH\j Lt. 99

Section II. Part I,

1. i. When a thing is carried with both hands, it
should be held on a level with the heart ; when
with one hand, on a level with the girdle. 2. An
article belonging to the son of Heaven should be held
higher than the heart ; one belonging to a ruler of a
state, on a level with it ; one belonging to a Great
officer, lower than it ; and one belonging to an (inferior)

This Part I contains thirty-three paragraphs, which have been
arranged in sixteen chapters.

Ch. 1. 1-5, describes the manner of carrying things belonging
to superiors, and standing before them. 2. 6, relates to the not
calling certain parties by their names. 3. 7, 8, to designations
of themselves to be avoided or used by certain other parties.
4. 9, prescribes modesty in answering questions. 5. 10, ir,
gives rules about the practice of ceremonies in another state.
G. 12, is a rule for an orphan son. 7. 13, 14, is for a son in
mourning for his father, and other points. 8. 15-17, describes
certain offences to be punished, and things to be avoided in the
palace; and in private. 9. 18, shows us a superior man in
building, preparing for sacrifice, and cognate matters ; 10. 19-21,
a great or other officer, leaving his own state to go to another, and
in that other ; 11. 22, 23, officers in interviews with one another
and with rulers. 12. 24-26, gives the rules for the spring-

hunting ; for bad years ; and for the personal ornaments of a ruler,
and the music of officers. 13. 27, is about the reply of an

officer to a question of his ruler; 14. 28, about a great officer
leaving his state on his own business. 15. 29, tells how parties
entreat a ruler, and others, not to abandon the state 16. 30-33,

gives rules relating to the king : his appellations, designations of
himself, &c.

II 2

IOO THE ii A'i.

BK. I.

officer should be carried lower still, 3. When one
is holding an article belonging to his lord, though it
may be light, he should seem unable to sustain it.
In the case of a piece of silk, or a rank-symbol of
jade, square or round, he should keep his left hand
over it. He should not lift his feet in walking,
but trail his heels like the wheels of a carriage. 4.
(A minister) should stand (with his back) curved in
the manner of a sounding-stone1, and his girdle-pen-
dants hanging down. Where his lord has his pen-
dants hanging at his side, his should be hanging
down in front ; where his lord has them hanging in
front, his should descend to the ground. 5. When
one is holding any symbol of jade (to present it), if
it be on a mat, he leaves it so exposed ; if there be
no mat, he covers it with (the sleeve of) his outer
robe 2.

2. 6. The ruler of a state should not call by their
names his highest ministers, "nor the two noble ladies
of her surname, who accompanied his wife to the
harem3. A Great officer should not call in that way
an officer who had been employed by his father, nor

1 The sounding-stone which the writer had in mind could not
have been so curved as it is ordinarily represented to be in
pictures, or the minister must have carried himself as Scott in
his ' Fortunes of Nigel,' ch. 10, describes Andrew the Scrivener.

2 P. Zottoli translates this paragraph by: — 'Deferens gemmas,
si eae habent sustentaculum, tunc apertam indues di-
ploidem; si non habent sustentaculum, tunc clausam.'
The text is not easily construed; and the commentaries, very
diffuse, are yet not clear.

3 When a feudal prince married, two other states, of the same
surname as the bride, sent each a daughter of their ruling house
to accompany her to the new harem. These are ' the noble ladies'
intended here.

SECT. II. PT. I.

KHV LI. IOI

the niece and younger sister of his wife (members of
his harem) \ (Another) officer should not call by
name the steward of his family, nor his principal
concubine2.

3. 7. The son of a Great officer (of the king, him-
self equal to) a ruler, should not presume to speak of
himself as ' I, the little son3.' The son of a Great
officer or (other) officer (of a state) should not pre-
sume to speak of himself as 'I, the inheriting son,
so-and-so4.' They should not so presume to speak
of themselves as their heir-sons do. 8. When his
ruler wishes an officer to take a place at an archery
(meeting), and he is unable to do so, he should
decline on the ground of being ill, and say, 'I, so-
and-so, am suffering from carrying firewood5.'

4. 9. When one, in attendance on a superior man,
replies to a question without looking round to see
(if any other be going to answer), this is contrary to
rulen.

5. 10. A superior man7, in his practice of cere-

1 The bride (what we may call the three brides in the preceding
note) was accompanied by a niece and a younger sister to the
harem.

- This would be the younger sister of the wife, called in the text
' the oldest concubine.'

3 So the young king styled himself during mourning.

4 The proper style for the orphan son of such officer was, ' I, the
sorrowing son.'

6 Mencius on one occasion (I. ii. 2. 1) thus excused himself for
not going to court. The son of a peasant or poor person might
speak so; others, of higher position, adopted the style in mock
humility.

6 The action of 3ze-lu in Analects 9, 5. 4, is referred to as an
instance in point of this violation of rule.

7 The ' superior man ' here must be an officer, probably the

I02 THE LI Kl. BK. I.

monies (in another state), should not seek to change
his (old) customs. His ceremonies in sacrifice, his
dress during the period of mourning, and his positions
in the wailing and weeping, will all be according to
the fashions of his former (state). He will carefully
study its rules, and carry them exactly into practice,
ii. (But) if he (or his descendants) have been away
from the state for three generations, and if his dignity
and emoluments be (still) reckoned to him (or his
representative) at the court, and his outgoings and
incomings are announced to the state, and if his
brothers or cousins and other members of his house
be still there, he should (continue to) send back word
about himself to the representative of his ancestor.
(Even) after the three generations, if his dignity and
emoluments 'be not reckoned to him in the court,
and his outgoings and incomings are (no longer)
announced in the state, it is only on the day of his
elevation (to official rank) that he should follow the
ways of his new state.

6. 12. A superior man, when left an orphan, will
not change his name. Nor will he in such a case, if
he suddenly become noble, frame an honorary title
for his father1.

7. 13. When occupied with the duties of mourning,
and before the interment of (a parent), (a son)
should study the ceremonies of mourning ; and after

head of a clan or family. Does not the spirit of this chapter still
appear in the unwillingness of emigrants from China to forget their
country's ways, and learn those of other countries ?

1 The honorary title properly belonged to men of position, and
was intended as a condensed expression of their character and
deeds. A son in the posidon described would be in danger of
styling his father from his own new standpoint.

SECT. II. PT. I.

KHiJ li. 10;

the interment, those of sacrifice. When the mourn-
ing is over, let him resume his usual ways, and study
the pieces of music. 14. When occupied with the
duties of mourning, one should not speak of music.
When sacrificing, one should not speak of what is
inauspicious. In the ruler's court, parties should not
speak of wives and daughters.

8. 15. For one to have to dust his (collection of)
written tablets, or adjust them before the ruler, is
a punishable offence ; and so also is it to have the
divining stalks turned upside down or the tortoise-
shell turned on one side, before him1. 16. One
should not enter the ruler's gate, (carrying with
him) a tortoise-shell or divining stalks, a stool or a
staff, mats or (sun-)shades, or having his upper and
lower garments both of white or in a single robe
of fine or coarse hempen cloth2. Nor should he
do so in rush sandals, or with the skirts of his
lower garment tucked in at his waist, or in the
cap worn in the shorter periods of mourning. Nor,
unless announcement of it has been made (and per-
mission given), can one take in the square tablets with
the written (lists of articles for a funeral), or the
frayed sackcloth, or the coffin and its furniture3. 1 7.
Public affairs should not be privately discussed.

9. 18. When a superior man, (high in rank), is about
to engage in building, the ancestral temple should

1 These things indicated a want of due preparation and care.

2 All these things were, for various reasons, considered in-
auspicious.

3 A death had in this case occurred in the palace, and the things
mentioned were all necessary to prepare for the interment ; but
still they could not be taken in without permission asked and
granted.

104 THE LI XI.

BK. T.

have his first attention, the stables and arsenal the
next, and the residences the last. In all preparations
of things by (the head of) a clan, the vessels of
sacrifice should have the first place ; the victims
supplied from his revenue, the next ; and the vessels
for use at meals, the last. Those who have no
revenue from lands do not provide vessels for
sacrifice. Those who have such revenue first pre-
pare their sacrificial dresses. A superior man,
though poor, will not sell his vessels of sacrifice ;
though suffering from cold, he will not wear his
sacrificial robes ; in building a house, he will not
cut down the trees on his grave-mounds.

10. 19. A Great or other officer, leaving his state1,
should not take his vessels of sacrifice with him
across the boundary. The former will leave his
vessels for the time with another Great officer, and
the latter his with another officer. 20. A Great or
other officer, leaving his state2, on crossing the
boundary, should prepare a place for an altar, and
wail there, looking in the direction of the state.
He should wear his upper garment and lower, and
his cap, all of white ; remove his (ornamental) collar,
wear shoes of untanned leather, have a covering of
white (dog's-fur) for his cross-board, and leave his
horses' manes undressed. He should not trim his nails
or beard, nor make an offering at his (spare) meals.
He should not say to any one that he is not chargeable
with guilt, nor have any of his women approach him.
After three months he will return to his usual dress.
21. When a Great or other officer has an interview
with the ruler of the state (to whom he has been sent),

1 And expecting to return. 2 This is in case of exile.

SECT. II. PT. I. KIIV LI. I05

if the ruler be condoling with him on the toils of his
journey, he should withdraw on one side to avoid
(the honour), and then bow twice with his head to
the ground. If the ruler meet him (outside the
gate) and bow to him, he should withdraw on one
side to avoid (the honour), and not presume to return
the bow.

11. 22. When Great or other officers are having
interviews with one another, though they may not be
equal in rank, if the host reverence (the greater
worth of) the guest, he should first bow to him ; and
if the guest reverence the (greater worth of the)
host, he should first bow. 23. In all cases but
visits of condolence on occasion of a death, and
seeing the ruler of one's state, the parties should be
sure to return the bow, each of the other. When
a Great officer has an interview with the ruler of
(another) state, the ruler should bow in acknowledg-
ment of the honour (of the message he brings) ; when
an officer has an interview with a Great officer (of
that state), the latter should bow to him in the same
way. When two meet for the first time in their own
state, (on the return of one from some mission), the
other, as host, should bow in acknowledgment (of
the service). A ruler does not bow to a (simple)
officer; but if it be one of a different state, he should
bow to his bow. A Great officer should return the
bow of any one of his officers, however mean may be
his rank. Males and females do (? not) bow to one
another1.

1 The text says that they do bow to one another ; but it is
evident that A'ang Khang-A7/ang understood it as saying the very
opposite. Lu Teh-ming had seen a copy which had the character
for ' not.'

I06 THE L? KI.

BK. I.

12. 24. The ruler of a state, in the spring hunting,
will not surround a marshy thicket, nor will Great
officers try to surprise a whole herd, nor will (other)
officers take young animals or eggs. 25. In bad
years, when the grain of the season is not coming to
maturity, the ruler at his meals will not make the
(usual) offering of the lungs1, nor will his horses be
fed on grain. His special road will not be kept clean
and swept2, nor even at sacrifices will his musical
instruments be suspended on their stands. Great
officers will not eat the large grained millet ; and
(other) officers will not have music (even) at their
drinkings. 26. Without some (sad) cause, a ruler will
not let the gems (pendent from his girdle) leave his
person, nor a Great officer remove his music-stand,
nor an (inferior) officer his lutes.

13. 27. When an officer presents anything to the
ruler of his state, and another day the ruler asks
him, 'Where did you get that?' he will bow twice
with his head to the ground, and afterwards reply3.

14. 28. When a Great officer wishes to go beyond
the boundaries (of the state) on private business,
he must ask leave, and on his return must present
some offering. An (inferior) officer in similar cir-

1 The offering here intended was to ' the father of cookery ; '
see the first note on p. 80. Such offering, under the A'au dynasty,
was of the lungs of the animal which formed the principal dish.
It was not now offered, because it was not now on the ground,
even the ruler not indulging himself in such a time of scarcity.

2 The road was left uncared for that vegetables might be grown
on it, available to the poor at such a time.

3 The offering must have been rare and valuable. The officer
had turned aside at the time of presenting it to avoid any com-
pliment from his ruler.

SECT. II. PT. I. KH\J LI. I07

cumstances, must (also) ask leave, and when he comes
back, must announce his return. If the ruler condole
with them on their toils, they should bow. If he
ask about their journey, they should bow, and after-
wards reply.

15. 29. When the ruler of a state (is proposing
to) leave it, they should (try to) stop him, saying,
' Why are you leaving the altars of the spirits of the
land and grain?' (In the similar case of) a Great
officer, they should say, ' Why are you leaving your
ancestral temple?' In that of an (inferior) officer,
they should say, ' Why are you leaving the graves
(of your ancestors)?' A ruler should die for his
altars; a Great officer, with the host (he commands);
an inferior officer, for his charge.

16. $0. As ruling over all, under the sky, (the
king) is called 'The son of Heaven1.' As receiv-
ing at court the feudal princes, assigning (to all) their
different offices, giving out (the laws and ordinances
of) the government, and employing the services of
the able, he styles himself, 'I, the one man2.' 31.
When he ascends by the eastern steps, and presides
at a sacrifice, if it be personal to himself and
his family3, his style is, ' I, so-and-so, the filial
king;' if it be external to himself4, 'I, so-and-so,
the inheriting king.' When he visits the feudal
princes5, and sends to make announcement (of his

1 Meaning, ' Heaven-sonned ; constituted by Heaven its son,
its firstborn.'

2 An expression of humility as used by himself, ' I, who am but
a man ; ' as used of him, ' He who is the one man.'

s In the ancestral temple.

4 At the great sacrifices to Heaven and Earth.

5 On his tours of inspection.

IOS THE LI Kl.

BK. I.

presence) to the spirits (of their hills and streams),
it is said, ' Here is he, so-and-so, who is king by (the
grace of) Heaven.' 32. His death is announced in
the words, 'The king by (the grace of) Heaven
has fallen1.' In calling back (his spirit), they say,
'Return, O son of Heaven2.' When announce-
ment is made (to all the states) of the mourning for
him, it is said, 'The king by (the grace of)
Heaven has gone far on high3.' When his
place is given to him in the ancestral temple, and his
spirit-tablet is set up, he is styled on it, 'the god4/
33. The son of Heaven, while he has not left off his
mourning, calls himself, ' I, the little child.' While
alive, he is so styled ; and if he die (during that
time), he continues to be so designated.

1 A great landslip from a mountain is called pang, which I have
rendered ' has fallen.' Like such a disaster was the death of the
king.

2 This ancient practice of calling the dead back is still preserved
in China ; and by the people generally. There are many references
to it in subsequent Books.

3 The body and animal soul went downward, and were in the
grave ; the intelligent soul (called ' the soul and spirit,' ' the essential
breath ') went far on high. Such is the philosophical account of
death ; more natural is the simple style of the text.

4 The spirit-tablet was a rectangular piece of wood, in the case
of a king, a cubit and two inches long, supposed to be a resting-
place for the spirit at the religious services in the temple. A'ang
says that the deceased king was now treated as ' a heavenly
spirit,' — he was now deified. P. Zottoli translates the character
here — Ti — by imperator; but there was in those times no
' emperor' in China.

SECT. II. PT. II. KH\J LI. IO9

Part II.

1. 1. The son of Heaven has his queen, his help-
mates, his women of family, and his ladies of honour.
(These) constituted his wife and concubines1.

2. 2. The son of Heaven appoints the officers of
Heaven's institution2, the precedence among- them
belonging to the six grandees: — the Grand-governor;
the Grand-minister of the ancestral temple ; the
Grand-historiographer ; the Grand-minister of prayers ;
the Grand-minister of justice; and the Grand-diviner.
These are the guardians and superintendents of
the six departments of the statutes. 3. The five
(administrative) officers of the son of Heaven are: —
the minister of instruction ; the minister of war; the

Part II consists of twenty-one paragraphs, which are distributed
in eight chapters.

Ch. 1. 1, describes the members of the royal harem. 2. 2-6,
relates to the various ministers and officers appointed by the king,
with their departments and duties. 3. 7-10, gives the names
and titles, applied to, and used by, the chiefs of regions, provinces,
and of the barbarous tribes. 4. 11-16, is about audiences,
meetings, and covenants, and the designations of the princes and
others in various circumstances. 5. 17, is about the demeanour
of the king and others. 6. 18, 19, is about the inmates of the
harems, and how they designated themselves. 7. 20, is about
the practice of sons or daughters, and various officers, in desig-
nating themselves. 8. 21, is about certain things that should
not be said of the king, of princes, and of superior men.

1 See the very different translation of this paragraph by P. Zot-
toli in his Cursus, iii. p. 653. It is confessed out of place here,
should belong to paragraph 18, and is otherwise incomplete.

2 So described, as ' Powers that be ordained' by the will of
Heaven, equally with the king, though under him these grandees
are not all in the A'iiu Kwan.

HO THE LI Kl. BK. I.

minister of works ; the minister of offices ; and the
minister of crime. These preside over the multi-
tude in (each of) their five charges. 4. The six
treasuries of the son of Heaven are under the charge
of the superintendent of the land; the superintendent
of the woods ; the superintendent of the waters ; the
superintendent of the grass ; the superintendent of
articles of employment ; and the superintendent of
wares. These preside over the six departments of
their charges. 5. The six manufactures of the son
of Heaven are under the care of (the superintendents
of) the workers in earth ; the workers in metal ; the
workers in stone ; the workers in wood ; the workers
in (the skins of) animals ; and the workers in twigs.
These preside over the six departments of stores.
6. When the five officers give in their contributions,
they are said to ' present their offerings1.'

3. 7. Chief among the five officers are the presi-
dents2, to whom belong the oversight of quarters (of
the kingdom). In any message from them trans-
mitted to the son of Heaven, they are styled
'ministers of the son of Heaven.' If they are
of the same surname as he, he styles them 'paternal
uncles;' if of a different surname, 'maternal
uncles.' To the feudal princes, they designate
themselves, 'the ancients of the son of Heaven.'
Outside (their own states), they are styled ' duke ;'
in their states, 'ruler.' 8. The head prince in each

1 Who are the five officers here ? Those of paragraph 3 ? or
the feudal dukes, marquises, earls, counts, and barons ? Both
views have their advocates. The next paragraph favours the
second view.

2 Such presidents were the dukes of Aau and Shao, at the com-
mencement of the A'au dynasty.

SECT. II. PT. II.

KH U lA . Ill

of the nine provinces, on entering the state of the
son of Heaven, is styled 'pastor.' If he be of the
same surname as himself, the son of Heaven calls
him 'my paternal uncle;' if he be of a different
surname, 'my maternal uncle.' Outside (his own
state) he is called 'marquis;' in it, 'ruler.' 9. The
(chiefs) among (the wild tribes of) the 1 on the east,
the Ti on the north, the Zung on the west, and the
Man on the south, however great (their territories),
are called 'counts.' In his own territories each one
calls himself, 'the unworthy one;' outside them, 'the
king's ancient' 10. Any of the princelets of their
various tracts1, on entering the state of the son of
Heaven, is styled, 'Such and such a person.'
Outside it he is called 'count,' and calls himself
'the solitary.'

4. 11. When the son of Heaven stands with his
back to the screen with axe-head figures on it, and
the princes present themselves before him with their
faces to the north, this is called kin (the autumnal
audience). When he stands at the (usual) point (of
reception) between the door and the screen, and the
dukes have their faces towards the east, and the
feudal princes theirs towards the west, this is called
A7/ao (the spring audience)2. 12. When feudal
princes see one another at a place and time not
agreed on beforehand, the interview is called ' a
meeting.' When they do so in some open place
agreed on beforehand, it is called 'an assembly.'

1 It is held, and I think correctly, that these princelets were the
chiefs of the wild tribes.

2 There were other audiences called by different names at the
other two seasons.

I 12 THE LI K\. BK. I.

When one prince sends a great officer to ask about
another, it is called 'a message of friendly
inquiry.' When there is a binding to mutual faith,
it is called 'a solemn declaration.' When they
use a victim, it is called 'a covenant.' 13. Wrhen
a feudal prince is about to be introduced to the son
of Heaven, he is announced as 'your subject so-
and-so, prince of such-and-such a state.'
He speaks of himself to the people as cthe man of
little virtue.' 14. If he be in mourning (for his
father), he is styled 'the rightful eldest son, an
orphan ;' if he be taking part at a sacrifice in his an-
cestral temple, 'the filial son, the prince of such-
and-such a state, the prince so-and-so.' If it be
another sacrifice elsewhere, the style is, 'so-and-so,
prince of such-and-such a state, the distant
descendant.' 15. His death is described by the
character hung (disappeared). In calling back (his
spirit), they say, 'Return, sir so-and-so.' When
he has been interred and (his son) is presented to
the son of Heaven, the interview, (though special), is
said to be 'of the same kind as the usual inter-
views.' The honorary title given to him is (also)
said to be 'after the usual fashion.' 16. When
one prince sends a message to another, the messenger
speaks of himself as 'the ancient of my poor
ruler.'

5. 17. The demeanour of the son of Heaven
should be characterised by majesty ; of the princes,
by gravity ; of the Great officers, by a regulated com-
posure ; of (inferior) officers, by an easy alertness ;
and of the common people, by simplicity and
humility.

6. 18. The partner of the son of Heaven is called

SECT. II. PT. II.

KHU ht 113

'the queen;' of a feudal prince, 'the helpmate;' of
a Great officer, 'the attendant;' of an (inferior) officer,
'the serving woman;' and of a common man, 'the
mate1.' 19. A duke and (one of) the feudal princes
had their helpmate, and their honourable women,
(which) were their mates and concubines. The
helpmate called herself, before the son of Heaven,
'the aged servant;' and before the prince (of
another state), 'the small and unworthy ruler.'
To her own ruler she called herself 'the small
maid.' From the honourable women downwards,
(each member of the harem) called herself 'your
handmaid.'

7. 20. To their parents, sons and daughters called
themselves by their names. A Great officer of
any of the states, entering the state of the son of
Heaven, was called ' the officer of such-and-such (a
state),' and styled himself ' your subsidiary minister.'
Outside (his own state), he was called ' sir;' and in
that state, ' the ancient of our poor ruler.' A mes-
senger (to any state) called himself 'so-and-so.'

8. 21. The son of Heaven should not be spoken
of as 'going out (of his state)2.' A feudal prince
should not be called by his name, while alive. (When
either of these things is done), it is because the
superior man3 will not show regard for wickedness.
A prince who loses his territory is named, and also
one who extinguishes (another state ruled by) lords
of the same surname as himself.

1 Here should come in paragraph 1.

2 All the states are his. Wherever he may flee, he is still in
what is his own land.

3 This ' superior man ' would be an upright and impartial his-
toriographer, superior to the conventions of his order.

D"7] I

ii4

THE Li kL BK. i.

Part III.

1. I. According to the rules of propriety for a
minister, he should not remonstrate with his ruler
openly. If he have thrice remonstrated and is still
not listened to, he should leave (his service). In the
service of his parents by a son, if he have thrice re-
monstrated and is still not listened to, he should
follow (his remonstrance) with loud crying and tears.
2. When a ruler is ill, and has to drink medicine, the
minister first tastes it. The same is the rule for a
son and an ailing parent. The physic of a doctor,
in whose family medicine has not been practised for
three eenerations at least, should not be taken.

2. 3. In comparing (different) men, we can only
do so when their (circumstances and conditions) are
of the same class.

Part III contains twenty paragraphs, which may be comprised
in eleven chapters.

Ch. 1. 1, 2, contains the rules for a minister and a son in re-
monstrating with a ruler or parent ; and also in seeing about their
medicine when ill. 2. 3, gives the rule in making comparisons.
3. 4, 5, gives the rules to be observed in asking about the age and
wealth of different parties from the king downwards. 4. 6-10,

is about sacrifices : those of different parties, the sacrificial names
of different victims, &c. 5. n, 12, gives the terms in which

the deaths of different men, and of animals, are described. 6.
13, 14, gives the names of near relatives, when they are sacrificed
to, and when they are alive. 7. 15, tells how different parties
should look at others. 8. 16, 17, is about executing a ruler's

orders, and things to be avoided in the conduct of business.
9. 18, is about great entertainments. 10. 19, is about presents
of introduction. 11. 20, contains the language used in sending
daughters to different harems.

SFCT. II. PT. III.

Klltj LL 115

3. 4. When one asks about the years of the son
of Heaven, the reply should be — 'I have heard
that he has begun to wear a robe so many
feet long1.' To a similar question about the ruler
of a state, the reply should be — 'He is able
to attend to the services in the ancestral
temple, and at the altars of the spirits of
the land and grain,' if he be grown up; and,
if he be still young, 'He is not yet able to at-
tend to the services in the ancestral temple,
and at the altars of the spirits of the land
and grain.' To a question about the son of a
Great officer, the reply, if he be grown up, should
be — 'He is able to drive;' and, if he be still
young, 'He is not yet able to drive.' To a
question about the son of an (ordinary) officer, the
reply, if he be grown up, should be — 'He can
manage the conveying of a salutation or a
message;' and, if he be still young, 'He cannot yet
manage such a thing.' To a question about the
son of a common man, the reply, if he be grown up,
should be — 'He is able to carry (a bundle of)
firewood;' and, if he be still young, 'He is not
yet able to carry (such a bundle).' 5. When
one asks about the wealth of the ruler of a state, the
reply should be given by telling the extent of his
territory, and the productions of its hills and lakes.
To a similar question about a Great officer, it should
be said, 'He has the lands allotted to him,
and is supported by the labour (of his people).
He needs not to borrow the vessels or
dresses for his sacrificial occasions.' To the

1 This would seem to imply that the king was still young.

I 2

Il6 THE l! Art.

BK. I.

same question about an (ordinary) officer, the reply
should be by giving the number of his carriages ; and
to one about a common man, by telling the number
of the animals that he keeps.

4. 6. The son of Heaven sacrifices (or presents
oblations) to Heaven and Earth1; to the (spirits pre-
siding over the) four quarters ; to (the spirits of) the
hills and rivers ; and offers the five sacrifices of the
house, — all in the course of the year. The feudal
princes present oblations, each to (the spirit presiding
over) his own quarter; to (the spirits of) its hills and
rivers ; and offer the five sacrifices of the house, — all
in the course of the year. Great officers present the
oblations of the five sacrifices of the house, — all in the
course of the year. (Other) officers present oblations
to their ancestors2. 7. There should be no presuming
to resume any sacrifice which has been abolished (by
proper authority)3, nor to abolish any which has been
so established. A sacrifice which it is not proper to
offer, and which yet is offered, is called a licentious
sacrifice. A licentious sacrifice brings no blessing.
8. The son of Heaven uses an ox of one colour, pure
and unmixed ; a feudal prince, a fatted ox ; a Great
officer, an ox selected for the occasion ; an (ordinary)
officer, a sheep or a pig. 9. The son of an inferior

1 There were various sacrifices to Heaven and also to Earth.
The great ones were — that to Heaven at the winter solstice, and
that to Earth at the summer solstice. But all the sacrifices to
Heaven and Earth were confined to the king.

2 The king offered all the sacrifices in this paragraph. The
other parties only those here assigned to them, and the sacrifices
allowed to others of inferior rank. The five sacrifices of the house
will come before the reader in Book IV and elsewhere.

3 The ' proper authority ' would be the statutes of each dynasty.

SECT. II. PT. III.

KHij l!. i i 7

member of the harem cannot offer the sacrifice (to
his grandfather or father) ; if (for some reason) he
have to do so, he must report it to the honoured son,
(the head of the family). 10. According to the rules
for all sacrifices in the ancestral temple, the ox is
called 'the creature with the large foot;' the
pig, 'the hard bristles;' a sucking-pig, 'the fat-
ling;' a sheep, ' the soft hair;' a cock, 'the loud
voice;' a dog, 'the soup offering;' a pheasant,
'the wide toes;' a hare, 'the clear seer;' the
stalks of dried flesh, ' the exactly cut oblations;'
dried fish, ' the well-considered oblation;' fresh
fish, 'the straight oblation.' Water is called
'the pure cleanser;' spirits, 'the clear cup;'
millet, 'the fragrant mass;' the large-grained
millet, 'the fragrant (grain);' the sacrificial millet,
'the bright grain;' paddy, 'the admirable
vegetable ;' scallions, ' the rich roots ;' salt, ' the
saline, briny substance ;' jade, 'the admirable
jade;' and silks, ' the exact silks.'

5. ii. The death of the son of Heaven is expressed
by pang (has fallen) ; of a feudal prince, by hung
(has crashed); of a Great officer, by ju (has ended);
of an (ordinary) officer, by pit lu (is now unsalaried);
and of a common man, by sze (has deceased). (The
corpse) on the couch is called shih (the laid-out) ;
when it is put into the coffin, that is called /6iii
(being in the long home). 12. (The death of) a
winged fowl is expressed by hsiang (has fallen
down); that of a quadruped, by jhze (is disorgan-
ised). Death from an enemy in fight is called ping
(is slain by the sword).

6. 13. In sacrificing to them, a grandfather is

Il8 THE LI A'L bk. I.

called 'the sovereign grandfather;' a grand-
mother,'the sovereign grandmother;' afather,
'the sovereign father;' a mother, 'the sove-
reign mother;' a husband, 'the sovereign
pattern.' 14. While (they are) alive, the names
of father (fu), mother (mu), and wife (kki) are
used; when they are dead, those of 'the completed
one (khao),' ' the corresponding one (pi),' and 'the
honoured one (pin).' Death in old age is called 'a
finished course (ju) ;' an early death, 'being un-
salaried (pu lu).'

7. 15. The son of Heaven does not look at a person
above his collar or below his girdle ; the ruler of a
state looks at him a little lower (than the collar); a
Great officer, on a line with his heart; and an ordinary
officer, not from beyond a distance of five paces.
In all cases looks directed above to the face denote
pride, and below the girdle grief; directed askance,
they denote villainy.

8. 16. When the ruler orders (any special business)
from a Great officer or (other) officer, he should
assiduously discharge it ; in their offices speak-
ing (only) of the official business ; in the treasury,
of treasury business ; in the arsenals, of arsenal
business; and in the court, of court business, tj.
At court there should be no speaking about dogs
and horses. When the audience is over, and one
looks about him, if he be not attracted by some
strange thing, he must have strange thoughts in his
mind. When one keeps looking about him after the
business of the court is over, a superior man will
pronounce him uncultivated. At court the conver-
sation should be according to the rules of propriety ;

SECT. II. PT. III. KH\j LI. 119

every question should be so proposed, and every
answer so returned.

9. 18. For great entertainments1 there should be
no consulting the tortoise-shell, and no great display
of wealth.

10. 19. By way of presents of introduction, the
son of Heaven uses spirits of black millet; feudal
princes, their symbols of jade ; a high minister, a
lamb; a Great officer, a goose ; an (ordinary) officer,
a pheasant ; a common man, a duck. Lads should
bring their article, and withdraw. In the open
country, in the army, they do not use such pre-
sents ; — a tassel from a horse's breast, an archer's
armlet, or an arrow may serve the purpose. For
such presents women use the fruits of the hovenia
dulcis, or of the hazel tree, strings of dried meat,
jujube dates, and chestnuts.

11. 20. In presenting a daughter for (the harem
of) the son of Heaven it is said, 'This is to com-
plete the providers of sons for you;' for that
of the ruler of a state, ' This is to complete
the providers of your spirits and sauces;'
for that of a Great officer, 'This is to complete
the number of those who sprinkle and sweep
for you/

1 Instead of ' for great entertainments,' P. Zottoli has 'summo
sacrificio; ' but the A^ien-lung editors decide in favour of the
meaning which I have followed.

BOOK II. THE THAN KUNG.

Section I. Part I.

i. At the mourning rites for Kung-i A'ung-jze,
Than Kung (was there), wearing the mourning
cincture for the head. iTung-jze had passed over
his grandson, and appointed one of his (younger)
sons as his successor (and head of the family).
Than Kung said (to himself), 'How is this ? I
never heard of such a thing;' and he hurried to
3ze-fu Poize at the right of the door, and said,
4 How is it that ATung-jze passed over his grand-
son, and made a (younger) son his successor ? '
Po-jze replied, ' i£ung-$ze perhaps has done in this,
like others, according to the way of antiquity.
Anciently, king Wan passed over his eldest son
Yi-khao, and appointed king Wu ; and the count
of Wei passed over his grandson Tun, and made
Yen, his (own) younger brother, his successor.
A'ung-jze perhaps did also in this according to the
way of antiquity.' 3ze-yu asked Confucius (about
the matter), and he said, ' Nay, (the rule is to)
appoint the grandson1.'

On the name and divisions of this Book, see the Introduction,
pp. 17, 18.

1 Important as showing the rule of succession to position and
property. We must suppose that the younger son, who had been
made the head of the family, was by a different mother, and one
whose position was inferior to that of the son, the proper heir
who was dead. Of course the succession should have descended

SECT. I. PT. I. THE THAN KUNG. 12 1

2. In serving his father, (a son) should conceal (his
faults), and not openly or strongly remonstrate with
him about them ; should in every possible way wait
on and nourish him, without being tied to definite
rules ; should serve him laboriously till his death,
and then complete the mourning for him for three
years. In serving his ruler, (a minister) should
remonstrate with him openly and strongly (about his
faults), and make no concealment (of them) ; should
in every possible way wait on and nourish him, but
according to definite rules ; should serve him labori-
ously till his death, and should then wear mourning
for him according to rule for three years. In serv- ^
ing his master, (a learner) should have nothing to do
with openly reproving him or with concealing (his
faults) ; should in every possible way wait upon and
serve him, without being tied to definite rules ; should
serve him laboriously till his death, and mourn for
him in heart for three years1.

3. K\ Wu-jze had built a house, at the bottom of
the western steps of which was the grave of the Tii
family. (The head of that) asked leave to bury
(some member of his house) in it, and leave was
granted to him to do so. (Accordingly) he entered
the house (with the coffin), but did not dare to wail
(in the usual fashion). Wu-jze said to him, ' To
bury in the same grave was not the way of antiquity.
It was begun by the duke of A'au, and has not been

in the line of the rightful heir. Po-jze evaded the point of Than
Kung's question ; but Confucius did not hesitate to speak out the
truth. On other matters which the paragraph might suggest we
need not enter.

1 On differences in the services rendered to a parent, a ruler,
and a master or instructor.

122 THE LI KI. BK. II.

changed since. I have granted you the great thing,
and why should I not grant the less ?' (With this) he
ordered him to wail1.

4. When 3ze-shang's mother died, and he did not
perform any mourning rites for her, the disciples of
(his father) 3ze_sze asked him, saying, ' Did your
predecessor, the superior man, observe mourning for
his divorced mother ?' ' Yes/ was the reply. (And the
disciples went on), 'Why do you not make Pai also
observe the mourning rites (for his mother) ?' 3ze-sze
said, 'My progenitor, a superior man, never failed in
pursuing the right path. When a generous course
was possible, he took it and behaved generously ;
and when it was proper to restrain his generosity, he
restrained it. But how can I attain to that ? While
she was my wife, she was Pai's mother ; but when she
ceased to be my wife, she was no longer his mother.
It was in this way that the Khung family came not
to observe mourning for a divorced mother ; the
practice began from 3ze-sze2.

5. Confucius said, 'When (the mourner) bows to
(the visitor), and then lays his forehead to the ground,

1 This Wu-jze was a great-grandson of K\ Yu, the third son
(by an inferior wife) of duke A'wang of Lu (b.c. 693-662), and the
ancestor of the Al-sun, one of the three famous families of Lu. It
would appear that he had appropriated to himself the burying-
ground of the Tu family.

2 3ze-shang, by name, Pai, was the son of 3ze-sze, and great-
grandson of Confucius. What is related here is important as
bearing on the question whether Confucius divorced his wife or
not. If I am correct in translating the original text by ' your pre-
decessor, the superior man,' in the singular and not in the plural,
and supposing that it refers to Confucius, the paragraph has been
erroneously supposed to favour the view that he did divorce his
wife.

SECT. I. PT. I. THE THAN KUNG. I23

this shows the predominance of courtesy. When he
lays his forehead to the ground, and then bows (to
his visitor), this shows the extreme degree of his
sorrow. In the three years' mourning, I follow the
extreme (demonstration)1.'

6. When Confucius had succeeded in burying (his
mother) in the same grave (with his father) at Fang,
he said, ' I have heard that the ancients made graves
(only), and raised no mound over them. But I am
a man, who will be (travelling) east, west, south, and
north. I cannot do without something by which I
can remember (the place).' On this, he (resolved to)
raise a mound (over the grave) four feet high. He
then first returned, leaving the disciples behind. A
great rain came on ; and when they rejoined him,
he asked them what had made them so late. ' The
earth slipped,' they said, ' from the grave at Fang.'
They told him this thrice without his giving them
any answer. He then wept freely, and said, ' I
have heard that the ancients did not need to repair
their graves.'

7. Confucius was wailing for 3ze"m m his court-
yard. When any came to condole with him, he bowed
to them. When the wailing was over, he made the
messenger come in, and asked him all about (3ze-lu's
death). ' They have made him into pickle,' said the

1 In the former case the mourner first thought of his visitor ; in
the latter, of his dead and his own loss. The bow was made with
the hands clasped, and held very low, the head being bowed down
to them. They were then opened, and placed forward on the
ground, on each side of the body, while the head was stretched
forward between them, and the forehead made to touch the ground.
In the second case the process was reversed.

124 THE L^ K^'

BK. II.

messenger ; and forthwith Confucius ordered the
pickle (in the house) to be thrown away1.

8. 3a-ng-jze said, 'When the grass is old2 on the
grave of a friend, we no (longer) wail for him.'

9. 3ze-sze said, ' On the third day of mourning,
when the body is put into the coffin, (a son) should
exercise sincerity and good faith in regard to every-
thing that is placed with it, so that there shall be no
occasion for repentance3. In the third month when
the body is interred, he should do the same in regard
to everything that is placed with the coffin in the
grave, and for the same reason. Three years are
considered as the extreme limit of mourning ; but
though (his parents) are out of sight, a son does not
forget them. Hence a superior man will have a life-
long grief, but not one morning's trouble (from with-
out) ; and thus on the anniversary of a parent's
death, he does not listen to music'

10. Confucius, being quite young when he was left
fatherless, did not know (his father's) grave. (After-
wards) he had (his mother's) body coffined in the
street of Wu-fu. Those who saw it all thought that
it was to be interred there, so carefully was (every-
thing done), but it was (only) the coffining. By in-
quiring of the mother of Man-fu of 3au, he succeeded

1 3ze-lu had died in peculiar circumstances in the state of Wei,
through his hasty boldness, in b.c. 480. It was according to rule
that the Master should wail for him. The order about the pickled
meat was natural in the circumstances.

2 The characters in the text imply that a year had passed since
the friend's death.

3 The graveclothes and coverlet. The things placed in the
grave with the coffin were many, and will by-and-by come before
the reader at length.

SECT. I. PT. I. THE THAN KUNG. 1 25

in burying it in the same grave (with his father) at
Fang1.

11. When there are mourning rites in the neigh-
bourhood, one should not accompany his pestle with
his voice2. When there is a body shrouded and
coffined in his village, one should not sing in the
lanes2. For a mourning cap the ends of the ties
should not hang down.

12. (In the time of Shun) of Yii they used earthen-
ware coffins3; under the sovereigns of Hsia, they
surrounded these with an enclosure of bricks. The
people of Yin used wooden coffins, the outer and
inner. They of A"au added the surrounding cur-
tains and the feathery ornaments. The people of
K&u buried those who died between 16 and 19 in the
coffins of Yin ; those who died between 12 and 15 or
between 8 and 1 1 in the brick enclosures of Hsia; and
those who died (still younger), for whom no mourn-
ing is worn, in the earthenware enclosures of the
time of the lord of Yti.

13. Under the sovereigns of Hsia they preferred
what was black. On great occasions (of mourning),
for preparing the body and putting it into the coffin,
they used the dusk ; for the business of war, they
used black horses in their chariots ; and the victims
which they used were black. Under the Yin
dynasty they preferred what was white. On occa-

1 This paragraph is generally discredited. The ^T/nen-lung
editors say it is not to be relied on.

2 These two rules are in Book I, i. Pt. iv, 43, page 89.

3 In a still earlier time, according to the third Appendix of the
Yi (vol. xvi, p. 385), they merely covered the body on the ground
with faggots.

126 THE LI A'l. BK. II.

sions of mourning, for coffining the body, they used '
the midday ; for the business of war they used white
horses; and their victims were white. Under the

A'au dynasty they preferred what was red. On
occasions of mourning, they coffined the body at
sunrise ; for the business of war they used red
horses, with black manes and tails ; and their
victims were red.

14. When the mother of duke Mu of Lu1 died, he
sent to ask 3ang~3ze2 what (ceremonies) he should
observe. 3^ngize said, ' I have heard from my father
that the sorrow declared in the weeping and wailing,
the feelings expressed in the robe of sackcloth with
even or with frayed edges, and the food of rice made
thick or in congee, extend from the son of Heaven
to all. But the tent-like covering (for the coffin) is
of (linen) cloth in Wei, and of silk in Lu.'

15. Duke Hsien of 3in, intending to put to death
his heir-son Shan-shang, another son, IC/mng-r, said
to the latter, ' Why should you not tell what is in
your mind to the duke ?' The heir-son said, ' I
cannot do so. The ruler is happy with the lady K\
of Li. I should (only) wound his heart.' ' Then/
continued the other, ' Why not go away ?' The heir-
son replied, ' I cannot do so. The ruler says that I
wish to murder him. Is there any state where the
(sacredness) of a father is not recognised ? Where
should I go to obviate this charge ?' (At the same
time) he sent a man to take leave (for him) of Hu

1 Duke Mu was marquis of Lu from b.c. 409 to 376.

2 This was not the disciple of Confucius, but his son, also
named Shan like him ; but the characters for the names are
different.

SECT. I. PT. I. THE THAN RUNG. I27

Tu, with the message, ' I was wrong in not thinking
(more) of your words, my old friend, and that neglect
is occasioning my death. Though I do not presume
to grudge dying, yet our ruler is old, and his
(favourite) son is (quite) young. Many difficulties
are threatening the state, and you, old Sir, do not
come forth (from your retirement), and consult for
(the good of) our ruler. If you will come forth and
do this, I will die (with the feeling that I) have re-
ceived a (great) favour from you.' He (then) bowed
twice, laying his head to the ground, after which he
died (by his own hand). On this account he became
(known in history as) ' the Reverential Heir-son1.'

16. There was a man of Lu, who, after performing
in the morning the ceremony which introduced the
25th month of his mourning, began to sing in the
evening. 3ze-lu laughed at him, (but) the Master
said, ' Yu, will you never have done with your finding
fault with people ? The mourning for three years is
indeed long.' When 3ze-lu went out, the Master
said, ' Would he still have had to wait lone ? In

another month (he might have sung, and) it would
have been well.'

1 7. Duke Jfwang of Lu fought a battle with the
men of Sung at Shang-i^iu. Hsien Pan-fu was driv-
ing, and Pu Kwo was spearman on the right. The
horses got frightened, and the carriage was broken,
so that the duke fell down2. They handed the strap

1 The marquis of Bin, who is known to us as duke Hsien, ruled
from b.c. 676 to 651. Infatuated by his love for a barbarian
captive from among the Li, he behaved recklessly and unnaturally
to his children already grown up. One very tragical event is the
subject of this paragraph.

The text would seem to say here that the army of the duke

128 THE LI Kl.

BK. II.

of a relief chariot (that drove up) to him, when he
said, ' I did not consult the tortoise-shell (about
the movement).' Hsien Pan-fu said, 'On no other
occasion did such a disaster occur ; that it has oc-
curred to-day is owing to my want of courage.'
Forthwith he died (in the fight). When the groom
was bathing the horses, a random arrow was found
(in one of them), sticking in the flesh under the
flank ; and (on learning this), the duke said, ' It
was not his fault ;' and he conferred on him an
honorary name. The practice of giving such
names to (ordinary) officers began from this.

1 8. 3a-ng-3ze was lying in his chamber very ill.
Yo-iang >$ze-kk\m was sitting by the side of the
couch ; 3ang Yuan and $a.ng Shan were sitting at
(their father's) feet ; and there was a lad sitting in
a corner holding a torch, who said, ' How beauti-
fully coloured and bright ! Is it not the mat of a
Great officer ? ' 3ze-£/mn (tried to) stop him, but
3ang-^ze had heard him, and in a tone of alarm called
him, when he repeated what he had said. ' Yes,' said
3ang-jze, ' it was the gift of A't-sun, and I have not
been able to change it. Get up, Yuan, and change
the mat.' 3ang Yuan said, ' Your illness is extreme.
It cannot now be changed. If you happily survive
till the morning, I will ask your leave and reverently
change it.' 3^ng-$ze said, ' Your love of me is not
equal to his. A superior man loves another on
grounds of virtue ; a little man's love of another is
seen in his indulgence of him. What do I seek for ?

was defeated; but the victory was with the duke. See the 3°
A'wan, under b.c. 684, and there was a different reading, to which Lu
Teh-ming refers on the passage, that leaves us free to translate as
I have done.

SECT. I. PT. I. THE THAN KUNG. I2Q

I want for nothing but to die in the correct way.'
They then raised him up, and changed the mat.
When he was replaced on the new one, before he
could compose himself, he expired.

19. When (a father) has just died, (the son) should
appear quite overcome, and as if he were at his wits'
end ; when the corpse has been put into the coffin,
he should cast quick and sorrowful glances around,
as if he were seeking for something and could not
find it; when the interment has taken place, he should
look alarmed and restless, as if he were lookino- for
some one who does not arrive ; at the end of the first
year's mourning, he should look sad and disappointed ;
and at the end of the second year's, he should have
a vague and unreliant look.

20. The practice in A'u-lii of calling the (spirits of
the dead1) back with arrows took its rise from the
battle of Shang-hsing2. That in Lu of the women
making their visits of condolence (simply) with a band
of sackcloth round their hair took its rise from the
defeat at Hu-thai3.

21. At the mourning for her mother-in-law, the
Master instructed (his niece), the wife of Nan-kung
Thao4, about the way in which she should tie up
her hair with sackcloth, saying, ' Do not make it
very high, nor very broad. Have the hair-pin of
hazel-wood, and the hair-knots (hanging down)
eight inches.'

22. Mang Hsienize, after the service which ended

See p. 108, par. 32 ; p. 112, par. 15 ; and often, farther on.
1 In b.c. 638. See the 3o Afwan of that year.
3 See in the 3o A'wan, under b. c. 569.

* This must have been the Nan Yung of the Analects, V, 1, 2.
[27] K

13O THE Li £1. bk. II,

the mourning rites, had his instruments of music
hung on their stands, but did not use them; and
when he might have approached the inmates of his
harem, he did not enter it. The Master said, ' Hsien-
jze is a degree above other men1.'

23. Confucius, after the service at the close of
the one year's mourning, in five days more (began
to) handle his lute, but brought no perfect sounds
from it ; in ten days he played on the organ and
sang to it2.

24. Yu-jze, it appears, after the service of the same
period of mourning, wore shoes of (white) silk, and
had ribbons of (white) silk for his cap-strings3.

1 The sacrificial service on the final putting off of the mourning
dress, and to which reference is here made, was called than
(jfiff). It will come several times before us hereafter. It is
celebrated at the end of the ' three years' mourning ' for a parent ;
that is, at the end of twenty-seven months from the death : see the
Introduction, p. 49. Wang Su of the Wei dynasty contended that
the mourning was put off at the end of twenty-five months, and the
editors of the Khang-hsi dictionary rather approve of his decision :
see their note under the character than. I do not think the con-
troversy as to the exact time when the mourning ceased can be
entirely cleared up. Confucius praised Hsien-jze, because he
could not forget his grief, when the outward sign of it was put off.

2 The sacrificial service here is called by a different name from
than; itishsiang (jjj^) ; and in mourning for parents there was
'the small h slang,' at the end of the first year, and 'the great
hsiang,' at the end of the second. The character here probably
denotes the mourning for one year, which is not continued beyond
that time. Music was not used during any of the period of
mourning; and it is doing violence to the text to take hsiang
here as equivalent to than.

3 In condemnation of Yu-jze (see Analects, I, 2), as quick to
forget his grief.

SECT. I. FT. I. THE THAN KUNG. I3I

25. There are three deaths on which no condolence
should be offered : — from cowardice ; from being
crushed (through heedlessness); and from drowning1.

26. When 3ze-lu might have ended his mourning
for his eldest sister, he still did not do so. Confucius
said to him, ' Why do you not leave off your mourn-
ing ? ' He replied, 'I have but few brothers, and I
cannot bear to do so.' Confucius said, ' When the
ancient kings framed their rules, (they might have
said that) they could not bear (to cease mourning)
even for (ordinary) men on the roads.' When 3ze-lu
heard this, he forthwith left off his mourning.

27. Thai-kung was invested with his state, (and
had his capital) in Ying-Miti. ; but for five genera-
tions (his descendants, the marquises of AV^i) were all
taken back and buried in A'au. A superior man
has said, ' For music, we use that of him from whom
we sprang ; in ceremonies, we do not forget him to
whom we trace our root.' The ancients had a saying,
that a fox, when dying, adjusts its head in the direction
of the mound (where it was whelped) ; manifestino-
thereby (how it shares in the feeling of) humanity.

28. When the mother of Po-yu died, he kept on
wailing for her after the year. Confucius heard him,
and said, ' Who is it that is thus wailing ?' The dis-
ciples said, ' It is Li.' The Master said, 'Ah! (such
a demonstration) is excessive.' When Po-yu heard
it, he forthwith gave up wailing2.

The third death here must be supplemented, as I have done
the second.

2 Compare paragraph 4, and the note on it. Li, designated
Po-yu, was the son of Confucius, and it has been supposed that his
mother had been divorced, so that his protracted wailing for her gave

K 2

132

THE LI kL. BK. IS.

29. Shun was buried in the wilderness of 3^ang_
wu, and it would thus appear that the three ladies of
his harem were not buried in the same grave with
him \ K\ Wfi-jze said, ' Burying (husband and wife)
in the same grave appears to have originated with
the duke of Aau.'

Part II.

1. At the mourning rites for 3ang-3ze, his body was
washed in the cook-room2.

2. During the mourning for nine months3 one
should suspend his (musical) studies. Some one
has said, ' It is permissible during that time to
croon over the words (of the pieces).'

3. When 3ze~^ang was ill** he called (his son),
Shan-hsiang, and addressed him, saying, ' We speak
of the end of a superior man, and of the death of

occasion to the rebuke of his father. But while his father was
alive, a son did not wail for his mother beyond the year. The
passage does not prove that Confucius had divorced his wife, but
the contrary ; though he might have shown more sympathy with
his son's sorrow.

1 From the first part of the Shu King we know that Shun
married the two daughters of Yao. The mention of ' three ' wives
here has greatly perplexed the commentators. Where 3hang-wu
was is also much disputed.

2 The proper place for the operation was the principal chamber.
There is only conjecture to account for the different place in the
case of 3ang-^ze.

3 In relationships of the third degree : as by a man for a married
aunt or sister, a brother's wife, a first cousin, &c. ; by a wife, for her
husband's grand-parents, uncles, &c. ; by a married woman, for her
uncle and uncle's wife, a spinster aunt, brothers, sisters, &c. See
Appendix at the end of this Book.

SECT. I. PT. II. THE THAN KUNG. 1 33

a small man. I am to-day, perhaps, drawing near to
my end (as a superior man).'

4. 3^ngize said, ' May not what remains in the
cupboard suffice to set down (as the offerings) by (the
corpse of) one who has just died ?'

5. 3ang-jze said, ' Not to have places (for wailing)
in cases of the five months' mourning1 is a rule which
sprang from the ways in small lanes.' When 3ze-
sze wailed for his sister-in-law, lie made such places,
and his wife took the lead in the stamping. When
Shan-hsiang wailed for Yen-sze, he also did the
same.

6. Anciently, (all) caps were (made) with the seams
going up and down them ; now the (mourning cap)
is made with the seams going round. Hence to
have the mourning cap different from that worn on
felicitous occasions is not the way of antiquity2.

7. 3ang-$ze said to 3ze_sze> ' KMt when I was en-
gaged in the mourning for my parents, no water or
other liquid entered my mouth for seven days.'
3ze-sze said, 'With regard to the rules of ceremony
framed by the ancient kings, those who would go
beyond them should stoop down to them, and those
who do not reach them should stand on tip-toe to do
so. Hence, when a superior man is engaged in
mourning for his parents, no water or other liquid

1 In relationships of the fourth degree : as by a man for his
grand-uncle and his wife, a spinster grand-aunt, a second cousin,
&c. ; by a wife for her husband's aunt, brother or sister, &c. ; by a
married woman, for her spinster aunt, married sister, &c. See
Appendix.

2 This paragraph does not seem to contain any lessons of
censure or approval, but simply to relate a fact.

134

THE Li XT. BK. II.

enters his mouth for three days, and with the aid of
his staff he is still able to rise.'

8. 3angize said, ' If, in cases coming under the five
months' mourning, none be worn when the death is
not heard of till after the lapse of that time, then
when brethren are far apart there would be no
wearing of mourning for them at all; and would
this be right ? '

9. On the mourning rites for Po-kao, before the
messenger from Confucius could arrive, Zan-^ze had
taken it on him, as his substitute, to present a parcel
of silks and a team of four horses. Confucius said,
' Strano-e ! He has only made me fail in showing my
sincerity in the case of Po-kao V

10. Po-kao died in Wei, and news of the event
was sent to Confucius. He said, ' Where shall I
wail for him ? For brethren, I wail in the ancestral
temple ; for a friend of my father, outside the gate
of the temple ; for a teacher, in my chamber ; for a
friend, outside the door of the chamber ; for an ac-
quaintance, in the open country, (some distance off).
(To wail) in the open country would in this case be
too slight (an expression of grief), and to do so in
the bed-chamber would be too great a one. But it
was by 3hze that he was introduced to me. I will
wail for him in 3hze's.' Accordingly he ordered
3ze-kung to act as presiding mourner on the occa-

1 We know almost nothing of the Po-kao (the eldest son, Kao)
here. From the next paragraph it does not appear that his in-
timacy with Confucius had been great. Zan-jze had taken too
much on himself. Perhaps the gift was too great, and sympathy
cannot well be expressed by proxy. The parcel of silks contained
five pieces.

SECT. I. PT. II. THE THAN RUNG. 1.^5

sion, saying to him, ' Bow to those who come because
you have a wailing in your house, but do not bow to
those who come (simply) because they knew Po-
kao.'

11, 3ang-$ze said, ' When one during his mourning
rites falls ill, and has to eat meat and drink spirits,
there must be added the strengthening flavours from
vegetables and trees;' meaning thereby ginger and
cinnamon.

12. When 3ze-hsia was mourning for his son, he
lost his eyesight. 3ang-$ze went to condole with
him, and said, ' I have heard that when a friend loses
his eyesight, we should wail for him.' Thereupon he
wailed, and 3ze-hsia also wailed, and said, ' O Hea-
ven, and I have no guilt ! ' 3ang-$ze was angry, and
said, ' Shang, how can you say that you have no
guilt?'

' I and you served the Master between the A"u and
the Sze1; and (after his death) you retired, and
grew old in the neighbourhood of the Western Ho,
where you made the people compare you with the
Master. This was one offence.

' When you mourned for your parents, you did so
in such a way that the people heard nothing of it.
This was a second offence.

' When you mourned for your son, you did it in
such a way that you have lost your eyesight. This
is a third offence. And how do you say that you
have no guilt ?'

1 These were two streams of Lu, near which was the home of
Confucius. I thought of this passage when I crossed at least one
of them on my way to JOii-fu, ' the city of Confucius,' about twelve
years ago.

I ^6 THE L? Kl.

BK. II.

3ze-hsia threw down his staff, and bowed, saying",
' I was wrong, I was wrong. It is a long time since
I left the herd, and lived apart here.'

13. When a man stops during the daytime in his
inner (chamber), it is allowable to come and ask
about his illness. When he stops outside during
the night, it is allowable to come and condole with
him. Hence a superior man, except for some great
cause1, does not pass the night outside (his chamber) ;
and unless he is carrying out a fast or is ill, he does
not day and night stop inside.

14. When Kao 3ze_kao was engaged with the
mourning for his parents, his tears flowed (silently)
like blood for three years, and he never (laughed) so
as to show his teeth. Superior men considered that
he did a difficult thing.

15. It is better not to wear mourning at all than
not .to have it of the proper materials and fashion.
When wearing the sackcloth with the edges even (for
a mother), one should not sit unevenly or to one side,
nor should he do any toilsome labour, (even) in the
nine months' mourning2.

16. Wrhen Confucius went to Wei, he found the
mourning rites going on for a man with whom he had
formerly lodged. Entering the house, he wailed for
him bitterly ; and when he came out, he told $zq-
kung to take out the outside horses of his carriage,
and present them as his gift. 3ze-kung said, ' At
the mourning for any of your disciples, you have

1 ' A great cause : ' — such as danger from enemies, or death
and the consequent mourning, which, especially in the case of a
father's death, required the son thus to ' afflict himself.'

2 The whole of this paragraph seems overstrained and trivial.

SECT. I. PT. II. THE THAN KUNG. 1 37

never taken out those horses (for such a purpose) ;
is it not excessive to do so for a man with whom you
(merely) lodged ? ' The Master said, ' I entered a
little ago, and wailed for him ; and I found (the
mourner) so dissolved in grief that my tears flowed
(with his). I should hate it, if those tears were not
(properly) followed. Do it, my child1.'

1 7. When Confucius was in Wei, there was (a
son) following his (father's) coffin to the grave.
After Confucius had looked at him, he said, ' How
admirably did he manage this mourning rite ! He
is fit to be a pattern. Remember it, my little chil-
dren.' 3ze-kung said, 'What did you, Master, see
in him so admirable ?' ' He went,' was the reply,
'as if he were full of eager affection. He came
back (looking) as if he were in doubt.' ' Would
it not have been better, if he had come back hastily,
to present the offering of repose ?' The Master said,
' Remember it, my children. I have not been able
to attain to it.'

18. At the mourning rites for Yen Yuan, some
of the flesh of the sacrifice at the end of (? two)
years was sent to Confucius, who went out and
received it. On re-entering he played on his lute,
and afterwards ate it2.

19. Confucius was standing (once) with his dis-

1 We are willing to believe this paragraph, because it shows how
the depths of Confucius' sympathy could be stirred in him. He
was not in general easily moved.

2 This paragraph has occasioned a good deal of discussion.
The text does not make it clear whether the sacrifice was that at
the end of one, or that at the end of two years. Why did Con-
fucius play on his lute ? and was he right in doing so ?

I38 THE Li Kt.

BK. II.

ciples, having his hands joined across his breast,
and the right hand uppermost. They also all
placed their right hands uppermost. He said to
them, ' You do so from your wish to imitate me,
but I place my hands so, because I am mourning
for an elder sister.' On this they all placed their
left hands uppermost (according to the usual
fashion).

20. Confucius rose early (one day), and with his
hands behind him, and trailing his staff, moved
slowly about near the door, singing —

1 The great mountain must crumble ;
The strong beam must break ;
The wise man must wither away like a plant.'

Having thus sung, he entered and sat down oppo-
site the door. 3ze_kung had heard him, and said,
4 If the great mountain crumble, to what shall I
look up ? If the strong beam break, (on what
shall I lean) x ? If the wise man wither like a
plant, whom shall I imitate ? The Master, I am
afraid, is going to be ill.' He then hastened into
the house. The Master said, '3nze, what makes
you so late ? Under the sovereigns of Hsia, the
body was dressed and coffined at the top of the
steps on the east, so that it was where the de-
ceased used to go up (as master of the house).
The people of Yin performed the same ceremony
between the two pillars, so that the steps for the
host were on one side of the corpse, and those for

|„ * The original of this supplement has dropt out of the text. It
is found in the ' Narratives of the School ; ' and in a Corean edition
of the Li A'i.

SECT. I. pt. ii. THE THAN KUNG. 1 39

the guest on the other. The people of Aau per-
form it at the top of the western steps, treating the
deceased as if he were a guest. I am a man
(descended from the house) of Yin1, and last
night I dreamt that I was sitting with the offer-
ings to the dead by my side between the two
pillars. Intelligent kings do not arise ; and what one
under heaven is able to take me as his Master ?
I apprehend I am about to die.' With this he
took to his bed, was ill for seven days, and died.

21. At the mourning rites for Confucius, the
disciples were in perplexity as to what dress they
should wear. 3ze~kung said, ' Formerly, when the
Master was mourning for Yen Ytian, he acted in
other respects as if he were mourning for a son,
but wore no mourning- dress. He did the same
in the case of 3ze_m- Let us mourn for the
Master, as if we were mourning for a father, but
wear no mourning dress2.'

22. At the mourning for Confucius, Kung-hsi Kk\\\
made the ornaments of commemoration. As the
adornments of the coffin, there were the wall-like
curtains, the fan-like screens, and the cords at its sides,
after the manner of A'au. There were the flags with
their toothed edges, after the manner of Yin ; and
there were the flag-staffs bound with white silk, and

1 It is well known that the Khung family was a branch of the
ducal house of Sung, the lords of which were the representatives
of the royal house of Shang. The Khungs were obliged to flee
from Sung, and take refuge in Lu in the time of the great-grand-
father of Confucius.

2 It is doubtful whether this advice was entirely followed as
regards the matter of the dress.

I^O THE LI Kl. BK-. 11.

long streamers pendent from them, after the manner
of Hsia1.

23. At the mourning for 3ze-/£ang, Kung-ming I
made the ornaments of commemoration. There was
a tent-like pall, made of plain silk of a carnation
colour, with clusters of ants at the four corners, (as
if he had been) an officer of Yin 2.

24. 3ze-hsia asked Confucius, saying, 'How should
(a son) conduct himself with reference to the man
who has killed his father or mother ? ' The Master
said, ' He should sleep on straw, with his shield for a
pillow ; he should not take office ; he must be deter-
mined not to live with the slayer under the same
heaven. If he meet with him in the market-place
or the court, he should not have to go back for his
weapon, but (instantly) fight with him.'

' Allow me to ask,' said (the other), ' how one
should do with reference to the man who has slain
his brother?' ' He may take office,' was the reply,
' but not in the same state with the slayer ; if he be
sent on a mission by his ruler's orders, though he
may then meet with the man, he should not fight
with him.'

' And how should one do,' continued 3ze-hsia, ' in
the case of a man who has slain one of his paternal
cousins ?' Confucius said, ' He should not take the
lead (in the avenging). If he whom it chiefly con-
cerns is able to do that, he should support him from
behind, with his weapon in his hand.'

1 See the full description of a coffin and hearse with all its
ornaments in Book XIX.

2 In honour of the Master, though 3ze-£ang himself could not
claim to be descended from the kings of Yin.

SECT. i. PT. II. THE THAN KUNG. 141

25. At the mourning rites for Confucius, his dis-
ciples all wore their head-bands of sackcloth, when
they went out. For one of their own number, they
wore them in the house (when condoling), but not
when they went out.

26. Keeping (the ground about) their graves clear
of grass was not a practice of antiquity1.

27. 3ze-lu- said, ' I heard the Master say that in
the rites of mourning, exceeding grief with deficient
rites is better than little demonstration of grief with
superabounding rites ; and that in those of sacrifice,
exceeding reverence with deficient rites is better
than an excess of rites with but little reverence.'

28. 3ang-$ze having gone on a visit of condolence
to Fu-hsia, the chief mourner had already presented
the sacrifice of departure, and removed the offerings.
He caused the bier, however, to be pushed back to
its former place, and made the women come down
(again), after which (the visitor) went through his
ceremony. The disciples who accompanied 3ang-
$ze asked him if this proceeding were according to
rule, and he said, ' The sacrifice at starting is an un-
important matter. And why might he not bring (the
bier) back, and let it rest (for a while)?'

The disciples further asked the same question of
3ze-yu, who said, ' The rice and precious shell are
put into the mouth of the corpse under the window
(of the western chamber) ; the slighter dressing is

1 Some would interpret this sentence as if it were — ' changing
the grave ' ( JJ and not ^j) ; but the A7/ien-lung editors say
that this practice, originating in geomancy, arose in the time of
3in, and was unknown during the Han dynasty.

1^2 THE LI Kl. BK. II.

done inside the door, and the more complete one at
(the top of) the eastern steps ; the coffining takes
place at the guests' place ; the sacrifice at starting in
the courtyard ; and the interment at the grave. The
proceedings go on in this way to what is more re-
mote, and hence in the details of mourning there is
a constant advance and no receding.' When 3^ng-
jze heard of this reply, he said, ' This is a much better
account than I gave of the going forth to offer the
sacrifice of departure.'

29. 3ang-$ze went on a visit of condolence, wear-
ing his fur robe over the silk one, while 3ze-yu went,
wearing the silk one over his fur. 3ang-$ze, pointing
to him, and calling the attention of others, said,
' That man has the reputation of being well versed
in ceremonies, how is it that he comes to condole
with his silk robe displayed over his fur one ? ' (By-
and-by), when the chief mourner had finished the
slighter dressing of the corpse, he bared his breast
and tied up his hair with sackcloth, on which 3ze-yu
hastened out, and (soon) came back, wearing his fur
robe over the silk, and with a girdle of sackcloth.
3ang-jze on this said, ' I was wrong, I was wrong.
That man was right.'

30. When 3ze-hsia was introduced (to the Master)
after he had put off the mourning (for his parents), a
lute was given to him. He tried to tune it, but
could hardly do so ; he touched it, but brought no
melody from it. He rose up and said, T have not
yet forgotten my grief. The ancient kings framed
the rules of ceremony, and I dare not go beyond
them?' When a lute was given to 3ze-/-ang in the
same circumstances, he tried to tune it, and easily

SECT. I. PT. IT. THE THAN KUNG. 1 43

did so ; he touched it, and brought melody from
it. He rose up and said, ' The ancient kings
framed the rules of ceremony, and I do not dare
not to come up to them.'

31. At the mourning rites for Hui-jze, who had
been minister of Crime, 3ze_yu (went to condole),
wearing for him a robe of sackcloth, and a head-
band made of the product of the male plant.
Wan-jze (the brother of Hui-jze), wishing to de-
cline the honour, said, ' You condescended to be
the associate of my younger brother, and now
further condescend to wear this mourning ; I ven-
ture to decline the honour.' 3ze_yu ssild, 'It is
in rule ;' on which Wan-jze returned and continued
his wailing. 3ze_yu then hastened and took his
place among the officers (of the family) ; but
Wan-jze also declined this honour, and said, ' You
condescended to be the associate of my younger
brother, and now further condescend to wear for
him this mourning, and to come and take part
in the mourning rites ; I venture to decline the
honour.' 3ze_yu said, 'I beg firmly to request you
to allow me (to remain here).'

Wan-^ze then returned, and supporting the right-
ful son to take his position with his face to the
south, said, 'You condescended to be the associate
of my younger brother, and now you further con-
descend to wear this mourning for him, and to
come and take part in the rites; dare Hu but
return to his (proper) place ? ' 3ze_yu on this
hastened to take his position among the guests1.

1 The object of 3ze-)'u hi all the movements detailed here is
supposed to have been to correct some irregularity in the pro-

144 THE L^ K^

BK. II.

v3-

(2. At the mourning rites for the general Wan-
jze, when the first year's mourning was at an end,
there came a man from Yiieh1 on a visit of con-
dolence. The chief mourner, wearing the long robe
(assumed on the completion of the first year's mourn-
ing), and the cap worn before that, wailed for him
in the ancestral temple, with the tears running from
his eyes and the rheum from his nose. 3ze~yu saw
it, and said, ' The son of the general Wan is not far
from being (a master of ceremonies). In his obser-
vances at this time, for which there is no special rule,
his proceeding is correct.'

33. The giving of the name in childhood2, of the
designation at the capping, of the title of elder uncle
or younger uncle at fifty, and of the honorary title
after death, was the practice of the A'au dynasty.

The wearing of the sackcloth head-bands and
girdles, to express the real (feeling of the heart); the
digging a hole in the middle of the apartment (over
which) to wash (the corpse) ; taking down the (tiles
of the) furnace, and placing them at the feet (of it)3 ;
and at the interment pulling down (part of the wall
on the west of the door of) the ancestral temple, so
as to pass by the upper side (of the altar to the spirit)

ceedings on the occasion. A^ang Hsiian thinks that Wan-jze was
supporting a grandson, instead of Hu, his deceased brother's
rightful son, to be the principal mourner, and consequently to
succeed Hui-$ze as his representative and successor. Hui-jze and
Wan-jze (called Mei-mau) were of the state of Wei.

1 A distant state, south of Wu, on the seaboard.

2 Three months after birth.

3 To show the deceased had no more occasion for food, and to
keep the feet straight, so that the shoes might be put on at the
dressing of the corpse.

SECT. I. PT. II. THE THAN KUNG. I45

of the way, and issue by the great gate ; — these were
the practices of the Yin dynasty, and the learners (in
the school of Confucius) followed them.

34. When the mother of 3ze-liu died, (his younger
brother) 3ze-shih asked for the means (to provide
what was necessary for the mourning rites). 3ze-
liu said, 'How shall we get them?' 'Let us sell
(the concubines), the mothers of our half-brothers,'
said the other. ' How can we sell the mothers of
other men to bury our mother?' was the reply; ' that
cannot be done.'

After the burial, 3ze-shih wished to take what re-
mained of the money and other things contributed
towards their expenses, to provide sacrificial vessels ;
but 3ze-Hu said, ' Neither can that be done. I have
heard that a superior man will not enrich his family
by means of his mourning. Let us distribute it
among the poor of our brethren.'

35. A superior man said, ' He who has given
counsel to another about his army should die with
it when it is defeated. He who has given counsel
about the country or its capital should perish with it
when it comes into peril.'

36. Kung-shu Wan-^ze ascended the mound of
Hsia, with Au Po-yu following him. Wan-jze said,
' How pleasant is this mound ! I should like to be
buried here when I die.' Au Po-yu said, ' You may
find pleasure in such a thought, but allow me (to go
home) before (you say any more about it)1.'

37. There was a man of Pien who wept like a

1 Was there anything more than a joke in this reply of Po-yii ?
The commentators make it out to be a reproof of Wan-jze for
wishing to appropriate for his grave the pleasant ground of another.
C27] L

I46 THE ii Kl.

BK. II.

child on the death of his mother. Confucius said,
' This is grief indeed, but it would be difficult to con-
tinue it. Now the rules of ceremony require to be
handed down, and to be perpetuated. Hence the
wailing and leaping are subject to fixed regulations.'

38. When the mother of Shu-sun Wu-shu died, and
the slighter dressing had been completed, the bearers
went out at the door (of the apartment) with the
corpse. When he had himself gone out at the door,
he bared his arms, throwing down also his cap, and
binding his hair with sackcloth. 3ze~yu said (in
derision), ' He knows the rules1 !'

39. (When a ruler was ill), the high chamberlain
supported him on the right, and the assigner of posi-
tions at audiences did so on the left. When he died
these two officers lifted (the corpse)2.

40. There are the husband of a maternal cousin
and the wife of a maternal uncle ; — that these two
should wear mourning for each other has not been
said by any superior man. Some one says, ' If they
have eaten together from the same fireplace, the three
months' mourning3 should be worn.'

41. It is desirable that affairs of mourning should
be gone about with urgency, and festive affairs in a

1 He should have made his preparations before, and not have
had to throw down his cap on the ground.

2 The text of this paragraph would make the assisting parties to
be the chief diviner and the chief archer. The translation is
according to an emendation of it from the -ffau Li.

3 Worn in relationships of the fifth degree : as by a man for his
great-grand-uncle and his wife, a spinster great-grand-aunt, the son
of a mother's brother or sister, &c. ; by a wife for her husband's
great-great-grand-parents, &c. See Appendix.

SECT. I. PT. ill. THE THAN KUNG. I47

leisurely way. Hence, though affairs of mourning
require urgency, they should not go beyond the
prescribed rules ; and though festive affairs may be
delayed, the)- should not be transacted negligently.
Hurry therefore (in the former) becomes rudeness,
and too much ease (in the latter) shows a small man.
The superior man will conduct himself in them as
they severally require.

42. A superior man is ashamed1 to prepare
(beforehand) all that he may require in discharging
his mourning rites. What can be made in one or
two days, he does not prepare (beforehand).

43. The mourning worn for the son of a brother
should be the same as for one's own son : the object
being to bring him still nearer to one's self. An
elder brother's wife and his younger brother do not
wear mourning for each other : the object being to
maintain the distance between them. Slight mourn-
ing is worn for an aunt, and an elder or younger
sister, (when they have been married) ; the reason
being that there are those who received them from
us, and will render to them the full measure of
observance.

Part III.

J. When (the Master) was eating by the side of
one who had mourning rites in hand, he never ate to
the full.

2. 3^ng-jze was standing with (another) visitor by
the side of the door (of their house of entertainment),
when a companion (of the other) came hurrying out.

1 Lest he should seem not to be wishing individuals to live long.

L 2

X/j.8 THE LI £1. BK. II.

' Where are you going ?' said 3ang-jze; and the man
replied, ' My father is dead, and I am going to wail
for him in the lane.' ' Return to your apartment,'
was the reply, ' and wail for him there.' (The man
did so), and 3ang-jze made him a visit of condolence,
standing with his face to the north.

3. Confucius said, ' In dealing with the dead, if
we treat them as if they were entirely dead, that
would show a want of affection, and should not be
done ; or, if we treat them as if they were entirely
alive, that would show a want of wisdom, and should
not be done. On this account the vessels of bamboo
(used in connexion with the burial of the dead) are
not fit for actual use ; those of earthenware cannot
be used to wash in ; those of wood are incapable of
being carved; the lutes are strung, but not evenly;
the pandean pipes are complete, but not in tune ; the
bells and musical stones are there, but they have no
stands. They are called vessels to the eye of fancy;
that is, (the dead) are thus treated as if they were
spiritual intelligences1.'

1 The A7zien-lung editors say on this : — ' To serve the dead as
he served the living is the highest reach of a son's feeling. But
there is a difference, it is to be presumed, between the ways of
spirits and those of men. In the offerings put down immediately
after death, there is an approach to treating the deceased as if he
were still a (living) man. But at the burial the treatment of him
approaches to that due to a (disembodied) spirit. Therefore the
dealing with the dead may be spoken of generally as something
between that due to a man and that due to a spirit,— a manifestation
of the utmost respect without any familiar liberty.' We should
like to have something still more definite. Evidently the subject
was difficult to those editors, versed in all Chinese lore, and not
distracted by views from foreign habits and ways of thinking.
How much more difficult must it be for a foreigner to place

SECT. I. PT. ill. THE THAN KUNG. 1 49

4. Yu-$ze asked 3^ngize if he had ever questioned
the Master about (an officer's) losing his place. ' I
heard from him,' was the reply, ' that the officer in
such a case should wish to become poor quickly,
(just as) we should wish to decay away quickly
when we have died.' Yu-$ze said, 'These are not
the words of a superior man.' ' I heard them
from the Master,' returned 3^ngize. Yu-jze re-
peated that they were not the words of a superior
man, and the other affirmed that both he and
3ze-yu had heard them. ' Yes, yes,' said Yu-jze,
' but the Master must have spoken them with a
special reference.' 3^ngize reported Yu-jze's words
to 3ze-yu, who said, 'How very like his words are
to those of the Master ! Formerly, when the Master
was staying in Sung, he saw that Hwan, the
minister of War, had been for three years having
a stone coffin made for himself without its being
finished, and said, "What extravagance! It would
be better that when dead he should quickly de-
cay away." It was with reference to Hwan, the
minister of War, that he said, "We should wish to
decay away quickly when we die." When Nan-
kung A"ing-shu returned (to the state), he made
it a point to carry his treasures with him in his
carriage when he went to court, on which the
Master said, " Such an amount of property ! It
would have been better for him, when he lost his
office, to make haste to become poor." It was with
reference to Nan-kung A^ing-shu that he said that

himself 'en rapport' with the thoughts and ways of men, so far
removed from him in time and in mental training! The subject
of these vessels, which yet were no vessels, will come up again.

I5O THE Ll Kl.

BK. II.

" We should work to become poor quickly, when
we have lost office."

3ang-$ze reported these words of 3ze-yu to Yu-^ze,
who said, 'Yes, I did say that these were not the
words of the Master.' When the other asked him
how he knew it, he said, ' The Master made an
ordinance in A"ung-tu that the inner coffin should be
four inches thick, and the outer five. By this I knew
that he did not wish that the dead should decay
away quickly. And formerly, when he had lost the
office of minister of Crime in Lu, and was about to
go to K'mg, he hrst sent 3ze-hsia there, and after-
wards Zan Yu. By this, I knew that he did not wish
to become poor quickly1.'

5.' When Awang-$ze of K/ian died, announcement
of the event was sent to Lu. They did not want to
wail for him there, but duke Mu2 called Hsien-jze, and
consulted him. He said, ' In old times, no messages
from Great officers, not even such as were accom-
panied by a bundle of pieces of dried meat, went out
beyond the boundaries of their states. Though it
had been wished to wail for them, how could it have
been done ? Nowadays the Great officers share in
the measures of government throughout the middle
states. Though it may be wished not to wail for
one, how can it be avoided ? I have heard, more-
over, that there are two grounds for the wailing ; one
from love, and one from fear.' The duke said, 'Very
well ; but how is the thing to be managed in this

1 Confucius sent those two disciples, that he might get their
report of K'mg (or Khu), and know whether he might himself go
and take office there as he wished to do.

2 B.C. 409-377-

SECT. I. PT. III. THE THAN RUNG. 1 5 1

case ?' Hsien-jze said, ' I would ask you to wail for
him in the temple of (a family of) a different surname ;'
and hereon the duke and he wailed for TTwang-jze in
(the temple of) the Hsien family.

6. A^ung Hsien said to 3a.ng-$ze, ' Under the
sovereigns of the Hsia dynasty, they used (at burials)
the vessels which were such only to the eye of fancy,
intimating to the people that (the dead) had no know-
ledge. Under the Yin they used the (ordinary)
sacrificial vessels, intimating to the people that (the
dead) had knowledge. Under the A'au we use both,
intimating to the people that the thing is doubtful.'
3ang-$ze replied, ' It is not so! What are vessels
(only) to the eye of fancy are for the shades (of the
departed) ; the vessels of sacrifice are those of men ;
how should those ancients have treated their parents
as if they were dead ? '

7. An elder brother of Kung-shu Mu, by the same
mother but a different father, having died, he asked
3ze-yu (whether he should go into mourning for him),
and was answered, ' Perhaps you should do so for
the period of nine months.'

A brother, similarly related to Ti I, having died,
he consulted 3ze-hsia m the same way, and was
answered, ' I have not heard anything about it before,
but the people of Lu wear the one year's mourning
in such a case.' Ti I did so, and the present practice
of wearing that mourning arose from his question1.

8. When 3ze_szes mother died in Wei, Liu Zo
said to him, ' You, Sir, are the descendant of a sage.

1 Confucius gives a decision against mourning at all in such a
case, excepting it were exceptional,— in the 'Narratives of the
School,' chapter 10, article 1.

I52 THE Li Kl.

bk. ir.

From all quarters they look to you for an example
in ceremonies ; let me advise you to be careful in the
matter.' 3ze-sze said, 'Of what have I to be careful?
I have heard that when there are certain ceremonies
to be observed, and he has not the necessary means
for them, a superior man does not observe them, and
that neither does he do so, when there are the cere-
monies, and he has the means, but the time is not
suitable; of what have I to be careful1?'

9. Hsien-jze So said, ' I have heard that the
ancients made no diminution (in the degrees of mourn-
ing on any other ground) ; but mourned for every
one above and below them according to his relation-
ship. Thus Wan, the earl of Thang, wore the year's
mourning for Mang-hu, who was his uncle, and the
same for Mang Phi, whose uncle he was.'

10. Hau Mu said, ' I heard Hsien-jze say about
the rites of mourning, that (a son) should certainly
think deeply and long about them all, and that (for
instance) in buying the coffin he should see that, in-
side and outside, it be (equally) well completed.
When I die, let it be so also with me V

11. 3a-ng-jze said, ' Until the corpse has its orna-
ments put on it, they curtain off the hall ; and after
the slighter dressing the curtain is removed.' A"ung-
liang-jze said, ' Husband and wife are at first all in

1 3ze-sze's mother, after his father's death, had married again
into the Shu family of Wei. What mourning was 3ze_sze now to
wear for her ? Liu Zo seems to have apprehended that he would
be carried away by his feelings and would do more than was
according to rule in such a case. 3ze-sze's reply to him is not at
all explicit.

2 This record is supposed to be intended to ridicule Hau Mu
for troubling himself as he did.

SECT. I. PT. in. THE THAN KUNG. ] 53

confusion1, and therefore the hall is curtained off.
After the slighter dressing, the curtain is removed.'

12. With regard to the offerings to the dead at
the time of the slighter dressing, 3ze-yii said that they
should be placed on the east (of the corpse). 3ang~
jze said, ' They should be placed on the west, on
the mat there at the time of the dressing.' The
placing the offerings on the west at the time of the
slighter dressing was an error of the later times
of Lu.

13. Hsien-^ze said, 'To have the mourning robe
of coarse dolichos cloth, and the lower garment of
fine linen with a wide texture, was not (the way of)
antiquity.'

14. When 3ze-phu died, the wailers called out his
name Mieh2. 3ze_kao said, ' So rude and unculti-
vated are they!' On this they changed their style.

15. At the mourning rites for the mother of Til
AV^iao no one was employed in the house to assist
(the son in the ceremonies), which was accounted a
careless omission.

16. The Master said, 'As soon as a death occurs,
(the members of the family) should change their lamb-
skin furs and dark-coloured caps, though they may
do nothing more.' The Master did not pay a visit
of condolence in these articles of dress.

1 7. 3ze~vu asked about the articles to be provided
for the mourning rites, and the Master said, ' They
should be according to the means of the family/

1 Settling places for the wailers, &c. But this explanation is
deemed unsatisfactory.

2 The name was used only in calling the spirit back immediately
after death ; the wailing was a subsequent thing.

154 THE L^ Kl-

BK. II.

3ze-yu urged, ' How can a family that has means and
one that has not have things done in the same way?'
'Where there are means,' was the reply, 'let there be
no exceeding the prescribed rites. If there be a want
of means, let the body be lightly covered from head to
foot, and forthwith buried, the coffin being simply let
down by means of ropes. Who in such a case will
blame the procedure?'

1 8. Pan, superintendent of officers' registries, in-
formed 3ze-yu of his wish to dress his dead on the
couch. ' You may,' said 3ze_yu- When Hsien-jze
heard of this, he said, ' How arrogant is the old
gentleman! He takes it on himself to allow men in
what is the proper rule V

19. At the burial of his wife, duke Hsiang of
Sung2 placed (in the grave) a hundred jars of
vinegar and pickles. 3^ngize said, 'They are called
"vessels only to the eye of fancy," and yet he filled
them !'

20. After the mourning rites for Mang Hsien^ze,
the chief minister of his family made his subordinates
return their money-offerings to all the donors. The
Master said that such a thing was allowable.

21. About the readine of the list of the material
contributions (towards the service of a funeral), 3ang-

1 On death, the body was lifted from the couch, and laid on the
ground. When there was no response to the recalling of the
spirit, it was returned to the couch and dressed. A practice seems
to have arisen of slightly dressing it on the ground, which Pan
did not wish to follow. 3ze-)'& ought to have told him that his
proposal was according to rule ; whereas he expressed his permis-
sion of it,— a piece of arrogance, which Hsien-jze condemned.

Hsiang died in b. c. 637.

SECT. I. PT. in. THE THAN KUNG. 1 55

jze said, ' It is not an ancient practice; it is a second
announcement (to the departed)1!'

22. When A7/ang-}ze Kao was lying ill, Kk'mg I
went in to see him, and asked his (parting) commands,
saying, 'Your disease, Sir, is severe. If it should
go on to be the great illness, what are we to do ? '
3ze-kao said, ' I have heard that in life we should be
of use to others, and in death should do them no
harm. Although I may have been of no use to
others during my life, shall I do them any harm by
my death ? When I am dead, choose a piece of
barren ground, and bury me there.'

2$. 3ze-hsia asked the Master (how one should
deport himself) during the mourning for the ruler's
mother or wife, (and the reply was), ' In sitting and
stopping with others, in his conversation, and when
eating and drinking, he should appear to be at ease2.'

24. When a stranger-visitor arrived, and had no-
where to lodge, the Master would say, ' While he
is alive, let him lodge with me. Should he die, I
will see to his coffining3.'

25. Kwo-jze Kao4 said, ' Burying means hiding

1 The contributions had been announced by the bier, as if to
the departed, and a record of them made. To read the list, as is
here supposed, as the procession was about to set forth, was a
vain-glorious proceeding, which 3^ng-jze thus derided.

2 The supplements in this paragraph are from the ' Narratives
of the School.' Some contend that the whole should be read as
what 3ze_hsia said, and that the Master gave him no reply, dis-
approving of his sentiments.

3 This paragraph, like the preceding, appears in rather a dif-
ferent form in the ' Narratives of the School.'

4 Kwo-jze Kao was the same as the .AT/^ang-jze Kao of par. 22.
Kwo was the surname, and JOang the posthumous title. It is
difficult to decide between Kwo-jze Kao and Kwo 3ze-kao.

156 THE LI kL

BK. II.

away ; and that hiding (of the body) is from a wish
that men should not see it. Hence there are the
clothes sufficient for an elegant covering ; the
coffin all round about the clothes ; the shell all
round about the coffin ; and the earth all round
about the shell. And shall we farther raise a
mound over the grave and plant it with trees?'

26. At the mourning for Confucius, there came
a man from Yen to see (what was done), and

lodged at 3ze_nsia s. 3ze_nsia- sa^ to him> ' If lt
had been for the sage's conducting a burial, (there
would have been something worthy to see) ; but
what is there to see in our burying of the sage ?
Formerly the Master made some remarks to me,
saying, " I have seen some mounds made like a raised
hall ; others like a dyke on a river's bank ; others
like the roof of a large house ; and others in the
shape of an axe-head." We have followed the axe-
shape, making what is called the horse-mane mound.
In one day we thrice shifted the frame-boards, and
completed the mound. I hope we have carried out
the wish of the Master.'

27. Women (in mourning) do not (change) the
girdle made of dolichos fibre.

28. When new offerings (of grain or fruits) are
presented (beside the body in the coffin), they should
be (abundant), like the offerings on the first day of
the moon.

29. When the interment has taken place, every-
one should make a change in his mourning dress.

30. The gutters of the tent-like frame over the
coffin should be like the double gutters of a house.

31. When a ruler succeeds to his state, he makes

SECT. I. PT. ill. THE THAN KUNG. I 57

his coffin, and thereafter varnishes it once a year,
keeping it deposited away.

32. Calling the departed back ; plugging the teeth
open ; keeping the feet straight; filling the mouth;
dressing the corpse ; and curtaining the hall : —
these things are set about together. The uncles
and elder cousins give their charges to those who
are to communicate the death (to friends).

33. The (soul of a deceased) ruler is called back
in his smaller chambers, and the large chamber ; in
the smaller ancestral temples and in the great one ;
and at the gate leading to the court of the external
audience, and in the suburbs all round.

34. Why do they leave the offerings of the mourn-
ing rites uncovered ? May they do so with the flesh
of sacrifice l ?

35. When the coffining has taken place, in ten days
after, provision should be made for the materials (for
the shell), and for the vessels to the eye of fancy.

36. The morning offerings should be set forth
(beside the body) at sunrise ; the evening when the
sun is about to set.

37. In mourning for a parent, there is no restric-
tion to (set) times for wailing. If one be sent on a
mission, he must announce his return (to the spirits
of his departed).

38. After the twelfth month of mourning, the
(inner) garment should be of white silk, with a yellow

1 This short paragraph is difficult to construe. The A7nen-lung
editors seem to approve of another interpretation of it ; but even
that is not without its difficulties. The flesh of sacrifice, it is said,
left uncovered, would become unfit for use or to be sold.

1^8 THE Li Kl.

BK. II.

lining, and having the collar and the edges of the
cuffs of a light purple. The waist-band should be of
dolichos cloth ; the shoes of hempen string, without
the usual ornaments at the points ; and the ear-plugs
of horn. The lining of the deer's-fur (for winter)
should be made broader and with longer cuffs, and a
robe of thin silk may be worn over it1.

39. When (a parent's) corpse has been coffined, if
the son hear of mourning going on for a cousin at
a distance, he must go (to condole), though the
relationship would only require the three months'
mourning. If the mourning be for a neighbour, who
is not a relative, he does not go.

At (the mourning) for an acquaintance, he must
pay visits of condolence to all his brethren, though
they might not have lived with him.

40. The coffin of the son of Heaven is fourfold.
The hides of a water-buffalo and a rhinoceros, over-
lapping each other, (form the first), three inches in
thickness. Then there is a coffin of I wood2, and
there are two of the Rottlera. The four are all
complete enclosures. The bands for the (composite)
coffin are (five) ; two straight, and three cross ; with
a double wedge under each band (where it is on
the edge).

1 The outer sackcloth remained unchanged; but inside it was
now worn this robe of white silk, a good deal ornamented. Inside
this and over the deer's-fur in winter might be worn another robe
of thin silk, through which the fur was seen. Inside the fur was
what we should call the shirt, always worn.

2 Tracing the I tree, through the dictionaries from synonym
to synonym, we come at last to identify it with the 'white aspen;'
whether correctly or not I do not know.

SECT. I. PT. III. THE THAN KUNG. I 59

The shell is of cypress wood, in pieces six cubits
long, from the trunk near the root.

41. When the son of Heaven is wailing for a feu-
dal prince, he wears the bird's-(head) cap1, a headband
of sackcloth, and black robes. Some one says, ' He
employs an officer to wail for him.' While so en-
gaged, he has no music at his meals.

42. When the son of Heaven is put into his coffin
it is surrounded with boards plastered over, and (rests
on the hearse), on whose shafts are painted dragons,
so as to form a (kind of) shell. Then over the coffin
is placed a pall with the axe-heads figured on it.
This being done, it forms a plastered house. Such
is the rule for (the coffining of) the son of Heaven2.

43. It is only at the mourning rites for the son of
Heaven that the feudal princes are arranged for the
wailing according to their different surnames.

44. Duke Ai of LCi eulogised Khung Kkm in the
words, ' Heaven has not left the old man, and there
is no one to assist me in my place. Oh ! Alas !
Ni-fu3!' * '

45. W7hen a state had lost a large tract of terri-

1 This cap, it is said, was of leather, of the dark colour of a
male sparrow's head. Hence its name.

2 See Book XIX.

3 Confucius' death took place on the 18th of the fourth month
of duke Ai's 16th year, b. c. 479. The eulogy is given somewhat
differently in the 3° Awan under that year : ' Compassionate
Heaven vouchsafes me no comfort, and has not left me the aged
man, to support me, the One man, on my seat. Dispirited I am,
and full of distress. Woe is me ! Alas ! O Ni-fu. There is no
one now to be a rule to me ! ' A7nu was Confucius' name, and
Aung-ni his designation ! After this eulogy, Ni-fu was for a time
his posthumous title.

!6o THE Ll Kl. BK. II.

tory with its cities, the highest and other ministers,
and the Great and other officers, all wailed in the
grand ancestral temple, in mourning caps, for three
days ; and the ruler (for the same time) had no full
meal with music. Some one says, ' The ruler has
his full meals and music, but wails at the altar to the
spirit of the land.'

46. Confucius disliked those who wailed in the
open fields1.

47. (A son) who has not been in office should not
presume to give away anything belonging to the
family. If he should have to do so2, he ought to have
the order of his father or elder brother for the act.

48. When the (ordinary) officers3 are all entered,
then (the chief mourner and all the others) fall to their
leaping, morning and evening.

49. After the service on the conclusion of the
twenty-fourth month of mourning, the plain white
cap is assumed. In that month the service on
leaving off mourning is performed, and after another
month (the mourners) may take to their music4.

50. The ruler may confer on any officer the
small curtain (as a pall for his father's coffin).

1 It was the rule to mourn in the open country for an acquaint-
ance. See p. 134. There must have been some irregularity in
the practice adverted to.

2 That is, supposing him to have been in office ; though some
suppose that the necessity might arise, even in the case of a son
who had not been in office.

3 Of course the higher officers must also be there. This refers
to the mourning rites for a ruler.

4 See the note on page 130. It is difficult, notwithstanding all
the references to it, to say definitely in what month the than
sacrifice was performed.

SECT. it. PT. I. THE THAN KUNG. l6l

Section II. Part I.

i. (At the funeral of) a ruler's eldest son by his
acknowledged wife, who has died under age, there
are three (small) carriages (with the flesh of sacri-
fice to be put in the grave). At that of an eldest
son by one of his concubines, dying under age,
there is one such carriage ; as at the funeral of the
eldest rightful son of a Great officer in the same
circumstances 1.

2. At the mourning rites for a feudal lord, his
chief officers who had received their appointments
directly from him, carried their staffs.

3. When a Great officer of a state was about to
be buried, its ruler (went to) condole with (his son)
in the hall where the coffin was. When it was

1 This refers to a strange custom which was practised at the
burial of men of rank, or of others who were treated as such, as
in the cases here. ' The carriages employed in it,' says Ying-ta,
' were very small. When the funeral car was about to set off from
the temple, and all to be done at the grave was arranged, they
took portions of the bodies which had supplied the offerings put
down by the coffin, broke them in small pieces, wrapped them up,
and placed them in these carriages, to be conveyed after the car.
At the grave the little bundles were placed one by one, inside the
outer shell at its four corners.' The number of these small car-
riages varied according to the rank of the deceased. We shall
find the practice mentioned again and again. It is not easy for a
foreigner fully to understand it, and I have found great haziness in
the attempts of native scholars to explain it. ' The eldest sons '
would have died between sixteen and nineteen.
[27] M

1 62 THE Li in.

BK. II.

being taken out, he ordered some one to draw the
(bier-carriage) for him. This moved on for three
paces and stopped ; in all for three times ; after which
the ruler retired. The same proceeding was gone
through, when the bier entered the ancestral temple,
and also at the place of (special) grief1.

4. Men of fifty, who had no carriage, did not
make visits of condolence beyond the boundaries
(of their states).

5. When K\ Wu-^ze was lying ill in his chamber,
/uao Ku entered and appeared before him without
taking off the mourning with its even edges (which
he happened to wear). ' This practice/ said he, ' has
nearly fallen into disuse. But it is only at the
gate of the ruler that an officer should take off
such mourning as I have on.' Wu-^ze replied,
' Is it not good that you should act thus 2 ? A
superior man illustrates the smallest points (of
propriety).'

At the mourning rites for Wu-jze, 3^ng Tien
leant against his gate and sang3.

6. If a Great officer pay a visit of condolence

1 Where visitors had been lodged during the mourning rites,
outside the great gate.

2 Wu-j;ze was the posthumous title of Ai-sun Suh, the prin-
cipal minister of Lu in the time of duke Hsiang (b. c. 572-543).
He was arrogant, and made other officers pay to him the same
observances as to the ruler ; but he was constrained to express his
approval of the bold rectitude of A'iao.

3 This is added by the writer, and implies a condemnation of
3ang Tien, who did not know how to temper his censure of the
minister, as A^iao Ku had done. But there must be an error in
the passage. Tien (the father of 3^ng Shan) could have been
but a boy when Wu-jze died.

SECT. II. PT. I. THE THAN KUNG. 1 63

(to an ordinary officer), and he arrive when (die
latter) is occupied with the business of the occasion,
an apology is made (for not coming to the gate to
receive him).

7. When one has paid a visit of condolence, he
should not on the same day show manifestations
of joy 1.

8. A wife should not go beyond the boundaries
of the state on a visit of condolence.

9. On the day when he has made a visit of con-
dolence, one should not drink spirits nor eat flesh.

10. When one pays a visit of condolence, and
the arrangements for the funeral are going on, he
should take hold of the ropes (attached to the car).
Those who follow to the grave should take hold
of those attached to the coffin.

11. During the mourning rites, if the ruler send
a message of condolence, there must be some one
to acknowledge it, by bowing to the messenger.
A friend, or neighbour, or even a temporary resi-
dent in the house, may perform the duty. The
message is announced in the words : — ' Our un-
worthy ruler wishes to take part in your (sad)
business.' The chief mourner responds : — ' We ac-
knowledge your presence with his message 2.'

12. When a ruler meets a bier on the way, he
must send some one to present his condolences (to
the chief mourner).

1 Or it may be, 'should not have music;' toning one of the
characters differently.

2 It is supposed that the deceased had left no son to preside
at the mourning rites.

M 2

A A

164 THE LI Kl. BK. 11.

13. At the mourning rites for a Great officer,
a son by an inferior wife should not receive the
condolences \

14. On the death of his wife's brother who was
the successor of their father, (the husband) should
wail for him in (the court of) the principal chamber2.
He should appoint his (own) son to preside (on the
occasion). With breast unbared and wearing the
cincture instead of the cap, he wails and leaps. When
he enters on the right side of the gate, he should
make some one stand outside it, to inform comers
of the occasion of the wailing ; and those who were
intimate (with the deceased) will enter and wail.
If his own father be in the house, the wailing
should take place (before) his wife's chamber. If
(the deceased) were not the successor of his father,
the wailing should take place before a different
chamber.

15. If a man have the coffin of a parent in his
hall, and hear of mourning going on for a cousin
of the same surname at a distance, he wails for
him in a side apartment. If there be no such
apartment, he should wail in the court on the right
of the gate. If the deceased's body be in the same
state, he should go to the place, and wail for him
there.

16. When 3ze-/£ang died, 3ang-$ze was in mourn-
ing for his mother, and went in his mourning dress

1 But if there be no son by the wife proper, the oldest son by
an inferior wife may receive the condolences. See the A7/ien-lung
editors in loc.

2 For some reason or other he has not gone to the house of the
deceased, to wail for him there.

SECT. II. PT. I. THE THAN KUNG. 1 65

to wail for him. Some one said, l That dress of
sackcloth with its even edges is not proper for
a visit of condolence.' 3ang-jze replied, ' Am I
condoling (with the living) ?'

17. At the mourning rites for Yu Zo, duke Tao1
came to condole. 3ze-yu received him, and intro-
duced him by (the steps on) the left2.

18. When the news was sent from Kh\ of the
mourning for the king's daughter who had been
married to the marquis, duke ^Twang of Lu wore
the nine months' mourning for her. Some have
said, ' She was married from Lu3; therefore he wore
the same mourning for her as for a sister of his
own.' Others have said, ' She was his mother's
mother, and therefore he wore it.'

19. At the mourning rites for duke Hsien of 3in>
duke Mu of KIi\\\ sent a messenger to present his
condolences to Hsien's son K/mng-r (who was then
an exile), and to add this message : — ' I have heard
that a time like this is specially adapted to the

1 b.c. 467-431. Yu Zo had been a disciple of Confucius, and
here we find the greater follower of the sage, 3ze-yu, present and
assisting at the mourning rites for him.

2 That is, the prince went up to the hall by the steps on the
east, set apart for the use of the master and father of the house.
But the ruler was master everywhere in his state, as the king was
in his kingdom. An error prevailed on this matter, and 3ze-yfi
took the opportunity to correct it.

3 That is, she had gone from the royal court to Lu, and been
married thence under the superintendence of the marquis of that
state, who also was of the royal surname. This was a usual
practice in the marriage of kings' daughters ; and it was on this
account the lord of the officiating state wore mourning for them.
The relationship assigned in the next clause is wrong; and so
would have been the mourning mentioned, if it had been correct.

1 66 THE LI Kl. BK. II.

losing of a state, or the gaining of a state. Though
you, my son, are quiet here, in sorrow and in
mourning, your exile should not be allowed to con-
tinue long, and the opportunity should not be lost.
Think of it and take your measures, my young son.'
K/mng-r reported the words to his maternal uncle
Fan, who said, ' My son, decline the proffer. An exile
as you are, nothing precious remains to you ; but
a loving regard for your father is to be considered
precious. How shall the death of a father be told ?
And if you take advantage of it to seek your own
profit, who under heaven will be able to give a
good account of your conduct ? Decline the proffer,
my son.'

On this the prince replied to his visitor : — ' The
ruler has kindly (sent you) to condole with his
exiled servant. My person in banishment, and my
father dead, so that I cannot take any share in the
sad services of wailing and weeping for him ; — this
has awakened the sympathy of the ruler. But how
shall the death of a father be described ? Shall
I presume (on occasion of it) to think of any other
thing, and prove myself unworthy of your ruler's
righteous regard ?' With this he laid his head to
the ground, but did not bow (to the visitor) ; wailed
and then arose, and after he had risen did not enter
into any private conversation with him.

3ze-hsien reported the execution of his commis-
sion to duke Mu, who said, ' Truly virtuous is this
prince K/mng-r. In laying his forehead on the
ground and not bowing (to the messenger), he
acknowledged that he was not his father's successor,
and therefore he did not complete the giving of
thanks. In wailing before he rose, he showed how

SECT. II. PT. I. THE THAN KUNG. 1 67

he loved his father. In having no private con-
versation after he arose, he showed how he put
from him the thought of gain V

20. The keeping the curtain up before the coffin
with the corpse in it was not a custom of antiquity.
It originated with the wailing of A'ing Ajang for
Mu-po 2.

21. The rites of mourning are the extreme
expression of grief and sorrow. The graduated
reduction of that expression in accordance with the
natural changes (of time and feeling) was made by
the superior men, mindful of those to whom we
owe our being; 3.

22. Calling (the soul) back is the way in which
love receives its consummation, and has in it the
mind which is expressed by prayer. The looking
for it to return from the dark region is a way of
seeking for it among the spiritual beings. The
turning the face to the north springs from the idea
of its being in the dark region.

23. Bowing to the (condoling) visitor, and laying
the forehead on the ground are the most painful
demonstrations of grief and sorrow. The laying
the forehead in the ground is the greatest expres-
sion of the pain (from the bereavement).

1 Fully to understand this paragraph, one must know more
particulars of the history of JOung-r, and his relations with his
father and the duke of Kh'm, than can be given here in a note.
He became the ablest of the five chiefs of the J£/mn Kh'm period.

This was a prudish action of the young widow, but it changed
an old custom and introduced a new one.

This has respect to the modifications adopted in regulating
the mourning rites for parents.

T68 THE LI JTI. BK. II.

24. Filling the mouth with rice uncooked and fine
shells arises from a feeling which cannot bear that
it should be empty. The idea is not that of giving
food ; and therefore these fine things are used.

25. The inscription1 forms a banner to the eye
of fancy. Because (the person of) the deceased
can no longer be distinguished, therefore (the son)
by this flag maintains the remembrance of him.
From his love for him he makes this record. His
reverence for him finds in this its utmost expression.

26. The first tablet for the spirit (with this in-
scription on it) serves the same purpose as that
(subsequently) placed in the temple, at the conclu-
sion of the mourning rites. Under the Yin dynasty
the former was still kept. Under the Alu, it was
removed \

27. The offerings to the unburied dead are placed
in plain unornamented vessels, because the hearts

1 This inscription contained the surname, name, and rank of
the deceased. It was at first written, I suppose, on a strip of silk,
and fastened up under the eaves above the steps on the east. In
the meantime a tablet of wood called Khung, the first character
in the next paragraph, and for which I have given ' The first
tablet for the spirit,' was prepared. The inscription was trans-
ferred to it, and it was set up on or by the coffin, now having the
body in it, and by and by it was removed to the east of the coffin
pit, where it remained till after the interment.

The observances in this paragraph and the next remain substan-
tially the same at the present day. ' The bier,' writes Wang Thao,
' is placed in the apartment, and the tablet with the inscription, as a
resting-place for the spirit, is set up, while the offerings are set
forth near it morning and evening. After the interment this tablet
is burned, and the permanent tablet (jjjtfj :j: ) is made, before which
the offerings are presented at the family sacrifices from generation to
generation. Thus " the dead are served as the living have been." '

SECT. II. pt. r. THE THAN KUNG. 1 69

of the livine are full of unaffected sorrow. It is
only in the sacrifices (subsequent to the interment),
that the principal mourner does his utmost (in the
way of ornament). Does he know that the spirit
will enjoy (his offerings) ? He is guided only by
his pure and reverent heart.

28. Beating the breast (by the women), and leap-
ing (by the men) are extreme expressions of grief.
But the number of such acts is limited. There are
graduated rules for them.

29. Baring the shoulders and binding up the hair
(with the band of sackcloth) are changes, (showing)
the excited feeling which is a change in the grief.
The removal of the (usual) ornaments and elegancies
(of dress) has manifold expression, but this baring
of the shoulders and the sackcloth band are the
chief. But now the shoulders are quite bared, and
anon they are covered (with a thin garment) ; —
marking gradations in the grief.

30. At the interment they used the cap of plain
white (silk), and the headband of dolichos fibre;
thinking these more suitable for their intercourse
with (the departed) now in their spirit -state. The
feeling of reverence had now arisen. The people
of ATau use the pi en cap at interments; those of
Yin used the hsii1.

1 The 'Three Rituals Explained' (=1 jp| jgj, yp )> ch- 238>
give the figures of these caps thus : —

The hsii \( } J J The pien

I 70 THE LI Kl. BK. II.

31. The gruel of the chief mourner (the son),
the presiding wife \ and the steward of the family
(of a Great officer) is taken by them at the order of
the ruler lest they should get ill.

32. On returning (from the grave) to wail, (the
son) should ascend the hall (of the ancestral temple) ;
— returning to the place where (the deceased) per-
formed his rites. The presiding wife should enter
the chamber ;— returning to the place where he
received his nourishment.

33. Condolences should be presented (to the son)
when he returns (from the grave) and is wailing,
at which time his grief is at its height. He has
returned, and (his father) is not to be seen ; he feels
that he has lost him. (His grief is) then most
intense. Under the Yin, they presented condo-
lences immediately at the grave ; under the Ka.u,
when the son had returned and was wailing. Con-
fucius said, ' Yin was too blunt ; I follow Kau.'

34. To bury on the north (of the city), and with
the head (of the dead) turned to the north, was the
common practice of the three dynasties : — because
(the dead) go to the dark region.

35. When the coffin has been let down into the
grave, the chief mourner presents the (ruler's) gifts
(to the dead in the grave 2), and the officer of prayer
(returns beforehand) to give notice of the sacrifice of
repose 3 to him who is to personate the departed.

1 This would be the wife of the deceased, or the wife of his son.

2 These were some rolls of purplish silks, sent by the ruler as
his parting gifts, when the hearse-car reached the city gate on its
way to the grave.

3 Where was the spirit of the departed now ? The bones and

SECT. II. PT. I. THE THAN RUNG. 171

36. When he has returned and wailed, the chief
mourner with the (proper) officer inspects the victim.
(In the meantime other) officers have set out a stool
and mat with the necessary offerings on the left of
the grave l. They return, and at midday the sacri-
fice of repose is offered 2.

3 j. The sacrifice is offered on the day of inter-
ment; they cannot bear that the departed should
be left a single day (without a place to rest in).

38. On that day the offerings, (previously) set
forth (by the coffin), are exchanged for the sacrifice
of repose. The (continuous) wailing is ended, and
they say, ' The business is finished.'

39. On that day the sacrifices of mourning
were exchanged for one of joy. The next day
the service of placing the spirit-tablet of the
departed next to that of his grandfather was
performed.

40. The change to an auspicious sacrifice took
place on that day, and the placing the tablet in its
place on the day succeeding : — (the son) was unable

flesh had returned to the dust, but the soul-spirit might be any-
where (2&jfateffr>fiz.[= S> To afford Jt a rest-

ing-place, the permanent tablet was now put in the shrine, and
this sacrifice of repose (fi|| [ = ^jr] ^) was offered, so that the
son might be able to think that his father was never far from him.
For a father of course the personator was a male ; for a mother,
a female ; but there are doubts on this point.

1 For the spirit of the ground.

2 If the grave were too far distant to allow all this to be trans-
acted before midday, then the sacrifice was performed in the
chamber where the coffin had rested. So says Wang Thao on the
authority of Zan Yi-shang (/:£. ]||[ Bft \ t

i7:

THE LI KL BK. II.

to bear that (the spirit of the departed) should be a
single day without a resting-place.

41. Under the Yin, the tablet was put in its place
on the change of the mourning at the end of twelve
months ; under the Aau, when the (continuous)
wailing was over. Confucius approved the practice
of Yin.

42. When a ruler went to the mourning rites for
a minister, he took with him a sorcerer with a peach-
wand, an officer of prayer with his reed-(brush), and
a lance-bearer, — disliking (the presence of death),
and to make his appearance different from (what it
was at any affair of) life1. In the mourning rites it
is death that is dealt with, and the ancient kings
felt it difficult to speak of this2.

43. The ceremony in the mourning rites of (the
coffined corpse) appearing in the court (of the ances-
tral temple) is in accordance with the filial heart of the
deceased. He is (supposed to be) grieved at leaving
his chamber, and therefore he is brought to the
temple of his fathers, and then (the coffin) goes on
its way.

Under the Yin, the body was thus presented and
then coffined in the temple ; under the Kku the
interment followed immediately after its presenta-
tion (in the coffin).

44. Confucius said, ' He who made the vessels

1 When visiting a minister when alive, the ruler was accom-
panied by the lance-bearer, but not by those other officers; — there
was the difference between life and death.

2 I suspect that the sorcerer and exorcist were ancient super-
stitions, not established by the former kings, but with which they
did not care to interfere by saying anything about them.

SECT. II. PT. li. THE THAN RUNG. 173

which are so (only) in imagination, knew the prin-
ciples underlying the mourning rites. They were
complete (to all appearance), and yet could not be
used. Alas ! if for the dead they had used the
vessels of the living, would there not have been
a danger of this leading to the interment of the
living with the dead?'

45. They were called 'vessels in imagination,'
(the dead) being thus treated as spiritual intelli-
gences. From of old there were the carriages of
clay and the figures of straw, — in accordance with
the idea in these vessels in imagination. Confucius
said that the making of the straw figures was good,
and that the making of the (wooden) automaton was
not benevolent. — Was there not a danger of its
leading to the use of (living) men ?

Part II.

1. Duke Mu1 asked 3ze-sze whether it was the
way of antiquity for a retired officer still to wear the
mourning for his old ruler. ' Princes of old,' was the
reply, 'advanced men and dismissed them equally
according to the rules of propriety ; and hence there
was that rule about still wearing mourning for the
old ruler. But nowadays princes advance men as
if they were going to take them on their knees, and
dismiss them as if they were going to push them into
an abyss. Is it not good if (men so treated) do not
head rebellion ? How should there be the observ-
ance of that rule about still wearing mourning (for
old rulers) ? '

1 Of Lu, B.C. 409-377-

!74 THE li ^L BK- n-

2. At the mourning rites for duke Tao l, K\
A^ao-jze asked Mang K'mg-%ze what they should
eat (to show their grief) for the ruler. K'mg-^ze
replied, ' To eat gruel is the general rule for all the
kingdom.' (The other said), ' It is known through-
out the four quarters that we three ministers 2 have
not been able to live in harmony with the ducal
house. I could by an effort make myself emaciated ;
but would it not make men doubt whether I was
doing so in sincerity ? I will eat rice as usual.'

3. When Sze-thu Amg-jze of Wei died, 3ze-hsia
made a visit of condolence (to his house) ; and,
though the chief mourner had not completed the
slight dressing (of the corpse), he went in the head-
band and robe of mourning. 3ze_yu Paid a similar
visit ; and, when the chief mourner had completed
the slight dressing, he went out, put on the bands,
returned and wailed. 3ze-hsia said to him, ' Did
you ever hear (that) that (was the proper method to
observe) ?' 'I heard the Master say,' was the reply,
' that until the chief mourner had changed his dress,
one should not assume the mourning bands3.'

4. 3angize said, ' An-jze may be said to have
known well the rules of propriety ; — he was humble
and reverent.' Yu Zo said, 'An-$ze wore the same
(robe of) fox-fur for thirty years. (At the burial of

1 b.c. 467-431.

" The heads of the /sTung-sun, Shu-sun, and .A'i-sun families ;
whose power Confucius had tried in vain to break.

3 In this case 3ze_yu was correct, according to rule, following
the example of the chief mourner. Sze-thu was a name of office,
— the ministry of Instruction ; but it had become in this case the
family name; from some ancestor of Alng-jze, who had been
minister of Instruction.

SECT. II. PT. II. THE THAN KUNG. 175

his father), he had only one small carriage (with the
offerings to be put into the grave1); and he returned
immediately from the grave (without showing the
usual attentions to his guests). The ruler of a state
has seven bundles of the offerings, and seven such
small carriages for them, and a Great officer five.
How can it be said that An-jze knew propriety?'
3ang-3ze replied, ' When a state is not well governed,
the superior man is ashamed to observe all cere-
monies to the full. Where there is extravagance
in the administration of the state, he shows an
example of economy. If the administration be
economical, he shows an example of (the strict)
observance of all rules.'

5. On the death of the mother of Kwo A!ao-jze,
he asked 3ze-/£ang, saying, ' At the interment, when
(all) are at the grave, what should be the places of
the men and of the women ?' 3ze-/£ang said, 'At
the mourning rites for Sze-thu Amg-jze, when the
Master directed the ceremonies, the men stood with
their faces to the west and the women stood with
theirs to the east.' ' Ah ! ' said the other, ' that
will not do ;' adding, ' All will be here to see these
mourning rites of mine. Do you take the sole
charge of them. Let the guests be the guests,
while I (alone) act as the host. Let the women
take their places behind the men, and all have their
faces towards the west2.'

1 See the note on paragraph 1, page 161. An-jze was the chief
minister of Kh\.

2 ' The master ' here would seem to be Confucius ; and yet he
died before Sze-thu A'ing-jze. There are other difficulties in parts
of the paragraph.

I76 THE LI Kl. EK. II.

6. At the mourning for Mu-po (her husband),
ATing A^ang wailed for him in the daytime, and at
that for Wan-po (her son), she wailed for him both
in the daytime and the night. Confucius said,
'She knows the rules of propriety1.'

At the mourning for Wan-po, King i^iang (once)
put her hand on the couch (where his body lay), and
without wailing said, ' Formerly, when I had this
son, I thought that he would be a man of worth.
(But) I never went with him to the court (to see his
conduct there) ; and now that he is dead, of all his
friends, the other ministers, there is no one that has
shed tears for him, while the members of his harem
all wail till they lose their voices. This son must
have committed many lapses in his observance of
the rules of propriety !'

7. When the mother of K\ Khang-^ze died, (her
body was laid out with) her private clothes dis-
played. K\x\g K'mng (Khang-jze's grand-uncle's
wife) said, ' A wife does not dare to see her hus-
band's parents without the ornament (of her upper
robes) ; and there will be the guests from all
quarters coming ; — why are her under-clothes
displayed here ?' With this she ordered them
to be removed.

8. Yu-^ze and 3ze_yu were standing together
when they saw (a mourner) giving all a child's
demonstrations of affection. Yu-$ze said, ' I have
never understood this leaping in mourning, and
have long wished to do away with it. The sincere
feeling (of sorrow) which appears here is right, (and

1 It is said, ' She mourned for her husband according to pro-
priety ; for her son according to her feelings.'

SECT. II. PT. II. THE THAN KUNG. I 77

should be sufficient).' 3ze-yu replied, 'In the rules
of propriety, there are some intended to lessen the
(display of) feeling, and there are others which
purposely introduce things (to excite it). To give
direct vent to the feeling and act it out as by a
short cut is the way of the rude Zung and Tt.
The method of the rules is not so. When a man
rejoices, he looks pleased ; when pleased, he thereon
sings ; when singing, he sways himself about ; sway-
ing himself about, he proceeds to dancing; from
dancing, he gets into a state of wild excitement1;
that excitement goes on to distress ; distress ex-
presses itself in sighing ; sighing is followed by
beating the breast; and beating the breast by
leaping. The observances to regulate all this are
what are called the rules of propriety.

'When a man dies, there arises a feeling of
disgust (at the corpse). Its impotency goes on
to make us revolt from it. On this account, there
is the wrapping it in the shroud, and there are the
curtains, plumes (and other ornaments of the coffin),
to preserve men from that feeling of disgust. Im-
mediately after death, the dried flesh and pickled
meats are set out (by the side of the corpse).
When the interment is about to take place, there
are the things sent and offered (at the grave) ; and
after the interment, there is the food presented (in
the sacrifices of repose). The dead have never
been seen to partake of these things. But from

1 Evidently there is a lacuna in the text here; there should be
some mention of stamping. Many of the critics have seen this,
especially the JWien-lung editors ; and various additions have been
proposed by way of correction and supplement.

[27] N

178 THE Li KI.

BK. II.

the highest ages to the present they have never
been neglected ; — all to cause men not to revolt
(from their dead). Thus it is that what you blame
in the rules of propriety is really nothing that is
wrong in them.'

9. Wu made an incursion into A7/an, destroying
the (places of) sacrifice, and putting to death those
who were suffering from a pestilence (which pre-
vailed). When the army retired, and had left the
territory, Phi, the Grand-administrator of Aj&an, was
sent to the army (of Wu), Fu KJ12X (king of Wu)
said to his internuncius 1, ' This fellow has much to
say. Let us ask him a question.' (Then, turning
to the visitor), he said, ' A campaign must have
a name. What name do men give to this expedi-
tion?' The Grand-administrator said, 'Anciently,
armies in their incursions and attacks did not hew
down (trees about the) places of sacrifice ; did not
slay sufferers from pestilence ; did not make captives
of those whose hair was turning. But now, have
not you in this campaign slain the sufferers from
pestilence ? Do they not call it the sick-killing
expedition ?' The king rejoined, ' If we give back
your territory, and return our captives, what will
you call it?' The reply was, 'O ruler and king,
you came and punished the offences of our poor
state. If the result of the campaign be that you
now compassionate and forgive it, will the campaign
be without its (proper) name1 ?'

1 This incursion must be that mentioned in the 3o A'wan under
B. c. 494. Various corruptions and disruptions of the text of the
paragraph have to be rectified, however; and the interpretation is
otherwise difficult.

SECT. II. PT. II. THE THAN KUNG. 1 79

10. Yen Ting1 deported himself skilfully during
his mourning. Immediately after the death (of his
father), he looked grave and restless, as if he were
seeking for something, and could not find it. When
the coffining had taken place, he looked expectant,
as if he were following some one and could not get
up with him. After the interment he looked sad,
and as if, not getting his father to return (with him),
he would wait for him2.

11. 3ze"^'ang asked, saying, 'The Book of His-
tory says, that Kao 3ung f°r three years did not
speak ; and that when he did his words were re-
ceived with joy3. Was it so ?' Afung-ni replied,
' Why should it not have been so ? Anciently, on
the demise of the son of Heaven, the king, his heir,
left everything to the chief minister for three years.'

12. When -/Tin Tao-jze died4, before he was
buried, duke Phing was (one day) drinking along
with the music-master Kwang and Li Thiao. The
bells struck up ; and when Tu Khwai, who was
coming in from outside, heard them, he said, 'Where
is the music ?' Being told that it was in the (princi-
pal) apartment, he entered it ; and having ascended
the steps one by one, he poured out a cup of spirits,
and said, ' Kwang, drink this.' He then poured out
another, and said, ' Thiao, drink this.' He poured
out a third cup ; and kneeling in the hall, with his
face to the north, he drank it himself, went down
the steps, and hurried out.

1 An officer of Lii.

" Compare above, paragraph 17, p. 137 et al.
3 See vol. iii, p. 113. The Shu is not quoted exactly.
* This was in b. c. 533. A^ih Tao-jze was a great officer of Qin.
See the story in the 3o A^wan under that year.

N 2

l8o THE LI k\.

bk. ir.

Duke Phing called him in again, and said,
' Khwai, just now I thought you had something
in mind to enlighten me about, and therefore I did
not speak to you. Why did you give the cup to
Kwang?' 'On the days (A'ia-jjze and (A'i-)mao,'
was the reply, ' there should be no music ; and now
A^ih Tao-^ze is (in his coffin) in his hall, and this
should be a great $ze or mao day. Kwang is the
grand music-master, and did not remind you of this.
It was on this account that I made him drink.'

'And why did you give a cup to Thiao?' Tu
Khwai said, ' Thiao is your lordship's favourite
officer ; and for this drinking and eating he forgot
the fault you were committing. It was on this
account I made him drink.'

' And why did you drink a cup yourself?' Khwai
replied, ' I am (only) the cook ; and neglecting my
(proper work of) supplying you with knives and
spoons, I also presumed to take my part in showing
my knowledge of what should be prohibited. It
was on this account that I drank a cup myself.'

Duke Phing said, ' I also have been in fault. Pour
out a cup and give it to me.' Tu Khwai then
rinsed the cup, and presented it. The duke said to
the attendants, ' When I die, you must take care
that this cup is not lost.' Down to the present day,
(at feasts in 3in), when the cups have been presented
all round, they then raise up this cup, and say, ' It is
that which Tu presented.'

13. When Kung-shu Wan-jze died, his son Shu
begged the ruler (of the state) to fix his honorary
title, saying, ' The sun and moon have brought the
time ; — we are about to bury him. I beg that you
will fix the title, for which we shall change his name.'

SECT. II. PT. ii. THE THAN KUNG. l8l

The ruler said, ' Formerly when our state of Wei
was suffering from a severe famine, your father had
gruel made, and gave it to the famishing ; — was not
this a proof of how kind he was ? Moreover, in a
time of trouble1, he protected me at the risk of his
own life ; — was not this a proof of how faithful he
was ? And while he administered the government
of Wei, he so maintained the regulations for the
different classes, and conducted its intercourse with
the neighbouring: states all round, that its altars sus-
tained no disgrace ; — was not this a proof of how
accomplished he was ? Therefore let us call him
" The Faithful, Kind, and Accomplished."

14. Shih Tai-/§ung died, leaving no son by his
wife proper, and six sons by concubines. The
tortoise-shell being consulted as to which of
them should be the father's successor, it was said
that by their bathing and wearing of their girdle-
pendants the indication would be given. Five
of them accordingly bathed and put on the
girdle-pendants with their gems. Shih AVa-jze,
however, said, 'Whoever, being engaged with the
mourning rites for a parent, bathed his head or
his body, and put on his girdle-pendants?' and he
declined to do either, and this was considered to be
the indication. The people of Wei considered that
the tortoise-shell had shown a (true) knowledge.

15. Kkax\ 3ze-/Ri having died in Wei, his wife and
the principal officer of the family consulted together

1 This was in b. c. 512. Twice in the Analects (XIV, 14, 19)
Kung-shuh Wan-gze, ' Kung-shu, the accomplished,' is mentioned.
Whether he received the long honorary title given in the conclusion
of this paragraph is considered doubtful.

1 82 the l! kt

BK. II.

about burying some living persons (to follow him).
When they had decided to do so, (his brother), A7/an
3ze-khang arrived1, and they informed him about
their plan, saying, ' When the master was ill, (he was
far away) and there was no provision for his nourish-
ment in the lower world ; let us bury some persons
alive (to supply it).' 3ze'khang said, ' To bury living
persons (for the sake of the dead) is contrary to what
is proper. Nevertheless, in the event of his being
ill, and requiring to be nourished, who are so fit for
that purpose as his wife and steward ? If the thing
can be done without, I wish it to be so. If it cannot
be done without, I wish you two to be the parties for
it.' On this the proposal was not carried into effect.

1 6. 3ze~lu said, ' Alas for the poor! While (their
parents) are alive, they have not the means to
nourish them ; and when they are dead, they have
not the means to perform the mourning rites for
them.' Confucius said, ' Bean soup, and water to
drink, while the parents are made happy, may be
pronounced filial piety. If (a son) can only wrap
the body round from head to foot, and inter it
immediately, without a shell, that being all which his
means allow, he may be said to discharge (all) the
rites of mourning.'

17. Duke Hsien of Wei having (been obliged to)
flee from the state, when he returned2, and had

1 A7zan 3ze"khang was one of the disciples of Confucius,
mentioned in the Analects I, 10; VII, 25. It is difficult to follow
the reasoning of the wife and steward in justification of their
proposals.

2 Duke Hsien fled from Wei in b. c 559, and returned to it
in 547.

THE THAN RUNG. I 83

SECT. II. PT. II. Tlili 1M1AJN IvUiNU. i«J^

reached the suburbs (of the capital), he was about
to grant certain towns and lands to those who had
attended him in his exile before entering. Liu
A^wang said, 'If all had (remained at home) to
guard the altars for you, who would have been able
to follow you with halter and bridle ? And if all had
followed you, who would have guarded the altars ?
Your lordship has now returned to the state, and
will it not be wrong for you to show a partial feel-
ing ?' The intended allotment did not take place.

18. There was the grand historiographer of Wei,
called Liu A"wang, lying ill. The duke said1, 'If
the illness prove fatal, though I may be engaged at
the time in sacrificing, you must let me know.' (It
happened accordingly, and, on hearing the news),
the duke bowed twice, laying his head to the
ground, and begged permission from the personator
of the dead, saying, ' There was the minister Liu
Awang, — not a minister of mine (merely), but a
minister of the altars of the state. I have heard
that he is dead, and beg leave to go (to his house).'
On this, without putting off his robes, he went ; and
on the occasion presented them as his contribution
(to the mourning rites). He also gave the deceased
the towns of AVmi-shih and Hsien-fan-shih by a
writing of assignment which was put into the coffin,
containing the words : — ' For the myriads of his
descendants, to hold from generation to generation
without change.'

1 9. When A7/an Kan-hsi was lying ill, he assem-
bled his brethren, and charged his son 3un'^>

1 The same duke Hsien of Wei. K/itlxi Hao and others con-
demn his action in this case. Readers may not agree with them.

184 THE L^ K*'

BK. II.

saying, 'When I am dead, you must make my coffin
large, and make my two concubines lie in it with
me, one on each side.' When he died, his son said,
' To bury the living with the dead is contrary to
propriety ; how much more must it be so to bury
them in the same coffin ! ' Accordingly he did not
put the two ladies to death.

20. Kung Sui died in K/mi ; and on the next
day, which was Zan-wu, the sacrifice of the previous
day was notwithstanding repeated (in the capital of
Lu). When the pantomimes entered, however,
they put away their flutes. Aung-ni said, ' It was
contrary to rule. When a high minister dies, the
sacrifice of the day before should not be repeated1.'

21. When the mother of Ki Khang-^ze died,
Kung-shu Zo was still young. After the dressing2,
Pan asked leave to let the coffin down into the
grave by a mechanical contrivance. They were
about to accede, when Kung-/£ien Aja said, ' No.
According to the early practice in Lu, the ducal
house used (for this purpose) the arrangement look-
ing like large stone pillars, and the three families
that like large wooden columns. Pan, you would, in
the case of another man's mother, make trial of
your ingenuity ; — could you not in the case of your
own mother do so? Would that distress you?
Bah!' They did not allow him to carry out his
plan 3.

1 See this incident in the Chinese Classics, V, i, pp. 301, 302,
where the account of it is discussed in a note.

2 This must be the greater dressing.

3 Pan and Zo were probably the same man ; but we know that
Pan lived at a later period. The incident in this paragraph there-
fore is doubted.

SECT. II. PT. II. THE THAN KUNG. 1 85

22. During the fight at Lang1, Kung-shu Zu-zan
saw (many of) the men, carrying their clubs on their
shoulders, entering behind the shelter of the small
wall, and said, ' Although the services required of
them are distressing, and the burdens laid on them
heavy, (they ought to fight) ; but though our
superiors do not form (good) plans, it is not right
that soldiers should not be prepared to die. This
is what I say.' On this along with Wang t, a youth,
(the son) of a neighbour, he went forward, and both
of them met their death.

The people of Lu wished to bury the lad Wang t
not as one who had died prematurely, and asked
A'ung-ni about the point. He said, ' As he was
able to bear his shield and spear in the defence
of our altars, may you not do as you wish, and bury
him as one who has not died prematurely ?'

23. When 3ze_m was gomg away from Lu, he
said to Yen Yiian, 'What have you to send me
away with ?' ' I have heard,' was the reply, 'that,
when one is leaving his state, he wails at the graves
(of his fathers), and then takes his journey, while on
his return to it, he does not wail, but goes to look at
the graves, and (then) enters (the city).' He then
said to 3ze-lu, ' And what have you to leave with
me here ?' ' I have heard/ was the reply, ' that,
when you pass by a grave, you should bow forward
to the cross-bar, and, when you pass a place of
sacrifice, you should dismount.'

24. Shang Yang, director of Works (in A7m), and

1 The fight at Lang is mentioned in the Khun Kh'\u under
B.C. 484. 3o's description of the battle gives the incident men-
tioned here, but somewhat differently.

l86 THE LI Kl. BK. II.

A7;an Kh\-k\ l were pursuing the army of Wu, and
came up with it. The latter said to Shang Yang,
' It is the king's2 business. It will be well for you
to take your bow in hand.' He did so, and Khi-ki
told him to shoot, which he did, killing a man, and
returning immediately the bow to its case. They
came up with the enemy again, and being told as
before to shoot, he killed other two men ; whenever
he killed a man, he covered his eyes. Then stopping
the chariot, he said, ' I have no place at the
audiences ; nor do I take part in the feasts. The
death of three men will be sufficient for me to
report.' Confucius said, 'Amidst his killing of men,
he was still observant of the rules of propriety3.'

25. The princes were engaged in an invasion
of Kk'm, when duke Hwan of 3hao died at their
meeting4. The others asked leave to (see) the
plugging of his teeth with the jade, and they were
made to enshroud (his corpse)5.

Duke Hsiang being in attendance at the court of
A^ing, king Khang died6. The people of A^ing
said to him, ' We must beg you to cover (the corpse

1 Kh\-k\ was a son of the king of KJm, and afterwards became
king Phing. Khxx, in b. c 534, reduced Khan, to be a dependency
of itself, and put it under Khi-k\, who became known as Kh\-k\
of A'Mn.

2 'The king's business;' that is, the business of the count of
Khxi, who had usurped the title of king.

3 It is not easy to discover the point of Confucius' reply. Even
3ze-lu questioned him about it (as related in the Narratives of the
School), and got an answer which does not make it any clearer.

4 In b.c. 578.

5 Probably by the marquis of 2>m— duke Wan— as 'lord of
Meetings and Covenants.'

6 In B.C. 545.

SECT. II. PT. III. THE THAN KUNG. 1 87

with your gift of a robe).' The men of Lu (who
were with him) said, ' The thing is contrary to pro-
priety.' Theyof A7m, however, obliged him to do what
they asked ; and he first employed a sorcerer with
his reed-brush to brush (and purify) the bier. The
people offing then regretted what they had done1.

26. At the mourning rites for duke K/iang of
Thang2, 3ze-shCi Aing-shu was sent (from Lu) on a
mission of condolence, and to present a letter (from
duke Ai), 3ze-fu Hui-po being assistant-commis-
sioner. When they arrived at the suburbs (of the
capital of Thang), because it was the anniversary of
the death of 1-po, (Hui-po's uncle), Arng-shu hesi-
tated to enter the city. Hui-po, however, said, ' We
are on government business, and should not for the
private affair of my uncle's (death) neglect the duke's
affairs.' They forthwith entered.

Part III.

1. Duke Ai sent a message of condolence to
Khwai Shang, and the messenger met him (on the
way to the grave). They withdrew to the way-side,
where Khwai drew the figure of his house, (with
the coffin in it), and there received the condolences3.

3ang-jze said, ' Khwai Shang's knowledge of the

1 Amg was another name for A7m. Duke Hsiang went from
Lu in b. c. 545 ; and it was in the spring of the next year, probably,
that the incident occurred. The sorcerer and his reed-brush were
used when a ruler went to the mourning for a minister (see Part i.
42), so that Kim intending to humiliate Lu was itself humiliated.

2 Duke .Oang of Thang died in b. c. 539.

3 This must have been a case for which the rule is given in
Part i. 12.

xgg THE Li kL BK. II.

rules of ceremony was not equal to that of the wife
of KJA Liang. When duke Awang fell on Kv\ by
surprise at Thui, Kh\ Liang met his death. His
wife met his bier on the way, and wailed for him
bitterly. Duke T^wang sent a person to convey
his condolences to her ; but she said, ' If his lord-
ship's officer had been guilty of any offence, then his
body should have been exposed in the court or the
market-place, and his wife and concubines appre-
hended. If he were not chargeable with any offence,
there is the poor cottage of his father. This is not
the place where the ruler should demean himself to
send me a message1/

2. At the mourning rites for his young son Tun,
duke Ai wished to employ the (elm-juice) sprinklers,
and asked Yu Zo about the matter, who said that it
might be done, for his three ministers even used them.
Yen Liu said, ' For the son of Heaven dragons are
painted on (the shafts of) the funeral carriage, and
the boards surrounding the coffin, like the shell, have
a covering over them. For the feudal princes there
is a similar carriage (without the painted dragons),
and the covering above. (In both cases) they pre-
pare the elm-juice, and therefore employ sprinklers.
The three ministers, not employing (such a carriage),
and yet employing the sprinklers, thus appropriate
a ceremony which is not suitable for them ; and why
should your lordship imitate them 2 ? '

1 See the 3o Awan, under b. c. 550, the twenty-third year of
duke Hsiang. The name of the place in the text (To, read Thui
by A'ang Hsiian) seems to be a mistake. See the Khang-hsi
dictionary on the character To (jfp).

2 There is a good deal of difficulty and difference of opinion in

SECT. II. PT. III. THE THAN KUNG. 1 89

3. After the death of the mother of (his son, who
became) duke Tao, duke Ai wore for her the one
year's mourning with its unfrayed edges. Yu Zo
asked him, if it was in rule for him to wear that
mourning for a concubine. ' Can I help it ?' replied
the duke. ' The people of Lu will have it that she
was my wife.'

4. When K\ 3ze-kao buried his wife, some injury
was done to the standing corn, which Shan-hsiang
told him of, begging him to make the damage good.
3ze-kao said, ' The Mang has not blamed me for
this, and my friends have not cast me off. I ani
here the commandant of the city. To buy (in this
manner a right of) way in order to bury (my dead)
would be a precedent difficult to follow V

5. When one receives no salary for the official
duties which he performs 2, and what the ruler sends
to him is called ' an orTerino-/ while the messenger
charged with it uses the style of ' our unworthy ruler ; '
if such an one leave the state, and afterwards the
ruler dies, he does not wear mourning for him.

6. At the sacrifice of Repose a personator of the

the interpretation of this paragraph. According to the common
view, the funeral carriage used by the king and princes was very-
heavy, and difficult to drag along. To ease its transit, a juice was
prepared from the elm bark, and sprinkled on the ground to make
it slippery. But this practice was because of the heaviness of the
carriage ; and was not required in the case of lighter conveyances.

1 This A'i 3ze-kao was Kao Khi\, one of the disciples of Con-
fucius. Shan-hsiang was the son of 3ze-£ang ; see paragraph 3,
page 132.

2 Such was 3ze-sze in Lu, and Mencius in Kh\. They were
'guests,' not ministers. Declining salary, they avoided the ob-
ligations incurred by receiving it.

190

THE LI AT. BK. II.

dead is appointed, and a stool, with a mat and
viands on it, is placed (for him). When the wail-
ino- is over, the name of the deceased is avoided.
The service of him as living is over, and that for
him in his ghostly state has begun. When the
wailing is over, the cook, with a bell having a
wooden clapper, issues an order throughout the
palace, saying, ' Give up disusing the names of the
former rulers, and henceforth disuse (only) the name
of him who is newly deceased.' This was done from
the door leading to the chambers to the outer gate.

7. When a name was composed of two characters
they were not avoided when used singly. The
name of the Master's mother was A"ang-3ai.
When he used 3&i, he did not at the same time
use Kang; nor 3ai, when he used Kax\g.

8. When any sad disaster occurred to an army,
(the ruler) in plain white robes wailed for it outside
the Khu gate1. A carriage conveying the news
of such disaster carried no cover for buff-coats nor
case for bows.

9. When the (shrine-)apartment of his father was
burned, (the ruler) wailed for it three days. Hence
it is said, 'The new temple took fire;' and also,
' There was a wailing for three days V

10. In passing by the side of mount Thai, Con-
fucius came on a woman who was wailing bitterly
by a grave. The Master bowed forward to the
cross-bar, and hastened to her; and then sent

1 The Khu (arsenal or treasury gate) was the second of the
palace gates, and near the ancestral temple. Hence the position
selected for the wailing.

2 See the AVzun Khm, under b. c. 588.

SECT. II. PT. III. THE THAN KUNG. 191

3ze-lu to question her. ' Your wailing,' said he, ' is
altogether like that of one who has suffered sorrow
upon sorrow.' She replied, ' It is so. Formerly,
my husband's father was killed here by a tiger.
My husband was also killed (by another), and now
my son has died in the same way.' The Master said,
'Why do you not leave the place?' The answer
was, ' There is no oppressive government here.'
The Master then said (to the disciples), ' Remember
this, my little children. Oppressive government is
more terrible than tigers.'

11. In Lu there was one 7uu Fang1, to whom

duke Ai went, carrying an introductory present,
and requesting an interview, which, however, the
other refused. The duke said, ' I must give it up
then.' And he sent a messenger with the following
questions : — ' (Shun), the lord of Yii, had not shown
his good faith to the people, and yet they put con-
fidence in him. The sovereign of Hsia had not
shown his reverence for the people, and yet the
people revered him : — what shall I exhibit that I
may obtain such things from the people?' The
reply was : — ' Ruins and graves express no mourn-
fulness to the people, and yet the people mourn
(amidst them). The altars of the spirits of the land
and grain and the ancestral temples express no
reverence to the people, and yet the people revere
them. The kings of Yin made their solemn pro-
clamations, and yet the people began to rebel ;
those of Aau made their covenants, and the people
began to distrust them. If there be not the heart

1 This ^Tau Fang must have been a worthy who had withdrawn
from public life.

I92 THE LI K$.

BK. II.

observant of righteousness, self-consecration, good
faith, sincerity, and guilelessness, though a ruler
may try to knit the people firmly to him, will not
all bonds between them be dissolved ?'

12. While mourning (for a father), one should
not be concerned about (the discomfort of) his own
resting-place \ nor, in emaciating himself, should he
do so to the endangering of his life. He should
not be the former; — he has to be concerned that
(his father's spirit-tablet) is not (yet) in the temple.
He should not do the latter, lest (his father) should
thereby have no posterity.

13. Al-jze of Yen-ling2 had gone to Kh\\ and his
eldest son having died, on the way back (to Wu), he
buried him between Ying and Po. Confucius (after-
wards) said, ' Ki-^ze was the one man in Wu most
versed in the rules of propriety, so I went and saw his
manner of interment. The grave was not so deep as
to reach the water-springs. The grave-clothes were
such as (the deceased) had ordinarily worn. After
the interment, he raised a mound over the grave of
dimensions sufficient to cover it, and high enough
for the hand to be easily placed on it. When
the mound was completed, he bared his left arm;

1 Referring, I think, to the discomfort of the mourning shed.
But other interpretations of the paragraph are to be found in
A7/an Hao's work, and elsewhere.

2 This K\-yiQ is better known as K\ K& (^^L), a brother
of the ruler of Wu. Having declined the state of Wu, he lived
in the principality of Yen-ling. He visited the northern states
Lu, A7/i, 3in, and the others, in b.c. 515; and his sayings and
doings in them are very famous. He was a good man and able,
whom Confucius could appreciate. Ying and Po were two places
in Kh\.

SECT. II. PT. III. THE THAN RUNG. 1 93

and, moving to the right, he went round it
thrice, crying out, " That the bones and flesh should
return again to the earth is what is appointed. But
the soul in its energy can go everywhere ; it can
go everywhere." And with this he went on his
way.' Confucius (also) said, 'Was not A'i-jze of
Yen-ling's observance of the rules of ceremony in
accordance with (the idea of them) ?'

14. At the mourning rites for the duke Khao of
Att-lii1, the ruler of Hsu sent Yung K\X with a
message of condolence, and with the articles to fill
the mouth of the deceased. ' My unworthy ruler,'
said he, 'hath sent me to kneel and put the jade
for a marquis which he has presented into your
(deceased) ruler's mouth. Please allow me to kneel
and do so.' The officers of K\i replied, ' When
any of the princes has deigned to send or come to
our poor city, the observances have been kept ac-
cording to their nature, whether simple and easy,
or troublesome and more difficult ; but such a blend-
ing of the easy and troublesome as in your case,
we have not known.' Yung K\i replied, ' I have
heard that in the service of his ruler one should
not forget that ruler, nor be oblivious of his an-
cestral (rules). Formerly, our ruler, king Ati, in his
warlike operations towards the west, in which he
crossed the Ho, everywhere used this style of
speech. I am a plain, blunt man, and do not
presume to forget his example2.'

1 Khao should probably be Ting. Duke Khao lived after the
period of the Khun Kh\u, during which the power of Hsii had
been entirely broken.

2 Here was Yung Ku, merely a Great officer, wishing to do
what only a prince could do, according to the rules of propriety.

M O

194 THE L* K^-

BK. II.

15. When the mother of 3ze-sze died in Wei,
and news of the event was brought to him, he
wailed in the ancestral temple. His disciples came
to him and said, ' Your mother is dead, after marry-
ing into another family x ; why do you wail for her
in the temple of the Khung family?' He replied,
' I am wrong, I am wrong.' And thereon he wailed
in one of the smaller apartments of his house.

16. When the son of Heaven died, three days
afterwards, the officers of prayer 2 were the first to
assume mourning. In five days the heads of official
departments did so ; in seven days both males and
females throughout the royal domain ; and in three
months all in the kingdom.

The foresters examined the trees about the various
altars, and cut down those which they thought suit-
able for the coffins and shell. If these did not
come up to what was required, the sacrifices were
abolished, and the men had their throats cut 3.

1 7. During a great dearth in Khi, AV^ien Ao had
food prepared on the roads, to wait the approach
of hungry people and give to them. (One day),
there came a famished man, looking as if he could

He defends himself on the ground that the lords of Hsu claimed
the title of King, The language of the officers of J£u shows that
they were embarrassed by his mission,

1 Literally, ' The mother of the Shu family is dead/ but the
interpretation of the text is disputed. The .Oien-lung editors
and many others question the genuineness of the whole paragraph.

2 The officers of prayer were divided into five classes ; the first
and third of which are intended here. See the Official Book of
Kin, ch. 25.

3 Great efforts are made to explain away this last sentence.

SECT. II. PT. ill. THE THAN KUNC 195

hardly see, his face covered with his sleeve, and
dragging his feet together. AV^ien Ao, carrying
with his left hand some rice, and holding some
drink with the other, said to him, ' Poor man ! come
and eat.' The man, opening his eyes with a stare,
and looking at him, said, ' It was because I would
not eat " Poor man come here's" food, that I am

come to this state.' AV/ien Ao immediately apo-
logised for his words, but the man after all would
not take the food and died.

When 3ang-$ze heard the circumstances, he said,
1 Was it not a small matter ? When the other ex-
pressed his pity as he did, the man might have
gone away. When he apologised, the man might
have taken the food.'

1 8. In the time of duke Ting of A"u-lii x, there
occurred the case of a man killing his father. The
officers reported it ; when the duke, with an appear-
ance of dismay, left his mat and said, ' This is the
crime of unworthy me!' He added, ' I have learned
how to decide on such a charge. When a minister
kills his ruler, all who are in office with him should
kill him without mercy. When a son kills his father,
all who are in the house with him should kill him
without mercy. The man should be killed ; his
house should be destroyed ; the whole place should
be laid under water and reduced to a swamp. And
his ruler should let a month elapse before he raises
a cup to his lips.'

1 This duke Ting became ruler of A'u in b. c. 613. Some
interpret the paragraph as if it said that all the officers, as well as
the whole family of a regicide or parricide, should be killed with
him. But that cannot be, and need not be, the meaning.

O 2

I96 THE ii A'f.

BK. II.

19. (The ruler of) $'m having congratulated Wan-
$ze on the completion of his residence, the Great
officers of the state went to the house-warming1.
A'ang Lao said, ' How elegant it is, and lofty ! How
elegant and splendid! Here will you have your
songs! Here will you have your wailings ! Here
will you assemble the representatives of the great
families of the state!' Wan-jze replied, 'If I can
have my songs here, and my wailings, and assemble
here the representatives of the great families of the
state, (it will be enough). I will then (only) seek
to preserve my waist and neck to follow the former
Great officers of my family to the Nine Plains.' He
then bowed twice, laying his head also on the
ground.

A superior man will say (of the two), that the
one was skilful in the expression of his praise and
the other in his prayer.

20. The dog kept by ATung-ni having died, he
employed 3ze-kung to bury it, saying, ' I have
heard that a worn-out curtain should not be thrown
away, but may be used to bury a horse in ; and
that a worn-out umbrella should not be thrown
away, but may be used to bury a dog in. I am
poor and have no umbrella. In putting the dog
into the grave, you can use my mat ; and do not

1 It is doubtful how this first sentence should be translated.
Most naturally we should render Hsien-wan-jze of 2>'m having
completed his house, but binomial honorary titles were not yet
known ; and the view seems to be correct that this Wan-jze was
^ao Wfi, a well-known minister of 3in. The ' Nine Plains' below
must have been the name of a burying-place used by the officers
of 3in. There seems to be an error in the name in the text,
which is given correctly in paragraph 25.

SECT. II. PT. ill. THE THAN RUNG. 197

let its head get buried in the earth. When one
of the horses of the ruler's carriage dies, it is buried
in a curtain (in good condition) V

21. When the mother of A^i-sun died, duke Ai
paid a visit of condolence to him. (Soon after)
3ang-$ze and 3ze~kung arrived for the same pur-
pose ; but the porter declined to admit them, be-
cause the ruler was present. On this they went
into the stable, and adjusted their dress more fully.
(Shortly) they entered the house, 3ze_kung going
first 2. The porter said to him, ' I have already
announced your arrival ;' and when 3ang-$ze followed,
he moved on one side for him. They passed on to
the inner place for the droppings from the roof, the
Great officers all moving out of their way, and the
duke descending a step and bowing to them. A
superior man has said about the case, ' So it is when
the toilet is complete! Immediately its influence
extends far V

22. A man-at-arms at the Yang gate (of the
capital of Sung) having died, 3ze-han, the super-
intendent of Works, went to (his house), and wailed
for him bitterly. The men of 3'm who were in
Sung as spies returned, and reported the thing to

1 The concluding sentence is found also in the ' Narratives of
the School,' and may have been added to the rest by the compiler
of this Than Kung. We are not prepared for the instance which
Confucius gives of his poverty; but perhaps we like him better
for keeping a dog, and seeing after its burial.

2 Because he was older than 3ang-$ze.

3 This concluding sentence is much objected to ; seeming, as it
does, to attribute to their toilet what was due to the respectful
demeanour of the two worthies, and their established reputation.
But the text must stand as it is.

I98 THE LI Kl. BK. IT.

the marquis of 3in, saying, ' A man-at-arms at the
Yang gate having died, 3ze_nan wailed for him
bitterly, and the people were pleased ; (Sung), we
apprehend, cannot be attacked (with success).'

When Confucius heard of the circumstances, he
said, ' Skilfully did those men do their duty as spies
in Sung. It is said in the Book of Poetry, —

"If there was any mourning among the people,
I did my utmost to help them."
Though there had been other enemies besides 3in,
what state under the sky could have withstood one
(in the condition of Sung) 1 ?'

23. At the mourning rites for duke A^wang of Lu,
when the interment was over, (the new ruler) did
not enter the outer gate with his girdle of dolichos
cloth. The ordinary and Great officers, when they
had finished their wailing, also did not enter in
their sackcloth 2.

24. There was an old acquaintance of Confucius,
called Yuan Zang. When his mother died, the
Master assisted him in preparing the shell for the
coffin. Yiian (then) got up on the wood, and said,
'It is long since I sang to anything;' and (with
this he struck the wood), singing : —

1 It is marked like a wild cat's head ;
It is(smooth)asayounglady'shandwhich you hold.'

The Master, however, made as if he did not hear,
and passed by him.

1 The whole narrative here is doubted. See the Shih, I. iii.
Ode 10. 4. The reading of the poem, but not the meaning, is
different from the text. The application is far-fetched

2 The time was one of great disorder; there may have been
reasons for the violations of propriety, which we do not know.

SECT. II. PT. III. THE THAN KUNG. 199

The disciples who were with him said, ' Can you
not have done with him ?' 'I have heard,' was the
reply, ' that relations should not forget their relation-
ship, nor old acquaintances their friendship1.'

25. Aao Wan-jze and Shu-yii were looking about
them at the Nine Plains 2, when \Van-3ze said, 'If
these dead could arise, .with whom would I associate
myself?' Shu-yii asked, 'Would it be with Yang
Khii-fu 3 ?' 'He managed by his course,' was the
reply, ' to concentrate in himself all the power of
3in, and yet he did not die a natural death. His
wisdom does not deserve to be commended.'

'Would it be with uncle Fan4?' Wan-^ze said,
' When he saw gain in prospect, he did not think
of his ruler ; his virtue does not deserve to be
commended 4. I think I would follow Wu-jze of
Sui5. While seeking the advantage of his ruler, he
did not forget himself; and while consulting for
his own advantage, he was not forgetful of his
friends.'

The people of 3'm thought that Wan-jze knew
men. He carried himself in a retiring way, as if
he could not bear even his clothes. His speech

1 We have another instance of Confucius's relations with Yuan
Zang in the Analects, XIV, 46. He was evidently ' queer,' with a
sort of craze. It gives one a new idea of Confucius to find his
interest in, and kindly feeling for, such a man.

2 See paragraph 19 and note.

3 Master of duke Hsiang B.C. 627-621, and an important
minister afterwards.

4 See in paragraph 19, Part i. But scant measure is dealt 1 ere
to ' uncle Fan.'

8 Wu-jze of Sui had an eventful life, and played an important
part in the affairs of 3'" and Jf/i'm in his time. See a fine testi-
mony to him in the 3o -ATwan, under b. c. 546.

200 THE LI kL

BK. II.

was low and stuttering, as if he could not get his
words out. The officers whom he advanced to
responsible charges in the depositories of 3m were
more than seventy. During his life, he had no
contentions with any of them about gain, and when
dying he required nothing from them for his sons.

26. Shu-/£ung Phi instructed (his son) 3ze_lm
(in the rules of ceremony) ; and when he died, 3ze-
liu's wife, who was a plain, blunt woman, wore for
him the one year's mourning and the headband
with its two ends tied together. (Phi's brother),
Shu-/£ung AV/ien spoke to 3ze_uu about it, and
requested that she should wear the three months
mourning and the simple headband ; saying, ' For-
merly, when I was mourning for my aunts and
sisters, I wore this mourning, and no one forbade
it.' When he withdrew, however, (3ze-liu) made his
wife wear the three months' mourning and the
simple headband1.

2 7. There was a man of K/ikng, who did not go
into mourning on the death of his elder brother.
Hearing, however, that 3ze-ka° was about to be-
come governor of the city, he forthwith did so.
The people of K/mng said, ' The silkworm spins

1 Shu-^ung Phi was the first of a branch of the Shu-sun clan,
descended from the ruling house of Lu. The object of the para-
graph seems to be to show, that 3ze-liu's wife, though a plain simple
woman, was taught what to do, by her native feeling and sense,
in a matter of ceremony, more correctly than the two gentlemen,
mere men of the world, her husband and his uncle. The para-
graph, however, is not skilfully constructed, nor quite clear, .ffang
Hsiian thought that 3ze"uu was Phi's son, which, the ^7/ien-lung
editors say, some think a mistake. They do not give definitely
their own opinion.

SECT. II. PT. in. THE THAN RUNG. 201

its cocoons, but the crab supplies the box for them ;
the bee has its cap, but the cicada supplies the
strings for it. His elder brother died, but it was
3ze-kao who made the mourning for him V

28. When Yo A^ang, >$ze-&/iuris mother, died, he
was five days without eating. He then said, ' I am
sorry for it. Since in the case of my mothers
death, I could not eat according to my feelings,
on what occasion shall I be able to do so ?'

29. In a year of drought duke Mu 2 called to
him Hsien-^ze, and asked him about it. ' Heaven,'
said he, 'has not sent down rain for a long time.
I wish to expose a deformed person in the sun (to
move its pity), what do you say to my doing so V
'Heaven, indeed,' was the reply, 'does not send
down rain ; but would it not be an improper act of
cruelty, on that account to expose the diseased son
of some one in the sun ?'

' Well then,' (said the duke), ' I wish to expose
in the sun a witch; what do you say to that?'
Hsien-$ze said, ' Heaven, indeed, does not send down
rain ; but would it not be wide of the mark to hope
anything from (the suffering of) a foolish woman,
and by means of that to seek for rain 3 ?'

1 The 3ze-kao here was the same as Kao A7/ai ; see the note
on paragraph 4. The incident here shows the influence of his
well-known character. He is the crab whose shell forms a box for
the cocoons, and the cicada whose antennae form the strings for
the cap.

2 ' Duke Mu and Hsien-$ze ; ' see Section I. Part iii. 5.

3 In the 3o .Afwan, under b. c. 639, duke Hsi of Lu makes a
proposal about exposing a deformed person and a witch like that
which is recorded here. Nothing is said, however, about changing
the site of the market. Reference is made, however, to that

202 THE Lt K\.

' What do you say then to my moving the market-
place elsewhere ? ' The answer was, ' When the
son of Heaven dies, the market is held in the
lanes for seven days; and it is held in them for
three days, when the ruler of a state dies. It will
perhaps be a proper measure to move it there on
account of the present distress.'

30. Confucius said, ' The people of Wei, in bury-
ing husband and wife together (in the same grave
and shell), leave a space between the coffins. The
people of Lu, in doing the same, place them together ;
— which is the better way.

APPENDIX TO BOOK II.

The reader will have been struck by the many refer-
ences in the Than Kung to the degrees and dress of
mourning; and no other subject occupies so prominent
a place in many of the books of the Li K\ that follow.
It is thought well, therefore, to introduce here, by way of
appendix to it, the following passage from a very valuable
paper on ' Marriage, Affinity, and Inheritance in China,'
contributed, on February 8th, 1853, to the China Branch
of the Royal Asiatic Society, by Mr. W. H. Medhurst, jun.,
now Sir Walter H. Medhurst. The information and sub-
joined illustrative tables were taken by him mainly from
the Ritual and Penal Code of China, a preliminary
chapter of which is devoted to the subject of ' The Dress
of Mourning:' —

' The ideas of the Chinese as to nearness of kin, whether by

practice in a work of Tung A'ung-shu (second century, b. a), of
which Wang Thao ventures to give a geomantic explanation.
The narrative in the text is probably taken from the %o Arwan,
the compiler having forgotten the time and parties in the earlier
account.

APPENDIX TO BOOK II. 203

blood or marriage, differ widely from our own. They divide
relationships into two classes, Nei kh'xw (pq jgj and
Wai yin (%\ |J|), terms analogous to our " consanguinity"
and "affinity," but conveying, nevertheless, other associa-
tions than those which we attach to these words. The
former (Nei k/iin) comprehends all kindred derived from
common stock with the individual, but only by descent
through the male line; the latter (Wai yin) includes
what the Chinese designate mu tang (j^: M), kh\ tang
(H H), and nu tang (^ M), three terms best trans-
lated, perhaps, by "mother's kin," ''wife's kin," and "daugh-
ter's kin," and understood by them to mean a mother's rela-
tives, relatives of females received into one's kindred by
marriage, and members of families into which one's kins-
women marry. Thus, for example, a first cousin twice
removed, lineally descended from the same great-great-
grandfather through the male line, is a nei-Min relative;
but a mother's parents, wife's sister, and a sister's husband
or child, are all equally wai-yin kindred. The principle
on which the distinction is drawn appears to be, that a
woman alienates herself from her own kin on marriage, and
becomes a part of the stock on which she is grafted ; and
it will be necessary to keep this principle distinctly in
mind in perusing any further remarks that may be made,
as otherwise it will be found impossible to reconcile the
many apparent contradictions in the theory and practice
of the Chinese Code.

' The indication of the prohibited degrees (in marriage)
depends then upon a peculiar genealogical disposition of
the several members of a family with respect to the
mourning worn for deceased relatives ; and this I shall
now proceed to explain. The Ritual prescribes five dif-
ferent kinds of mourning, called wu fu (3l jjji), to be
worn for all relatives within a definite proximity of degree,
graduating the character of the habit in proportion to
the nearness of kin. These habits are designated by cer-
tain names, which by a species of metonymy come to be

204

THE LI Kl.

applied to the relationships themselves, and are used some-
what as we apply the terms " ist degree," " 2nd degree," and
so. on; and plans, similar to our genealogical tables, are
laid down, showing the specific habit suitable for each
kinsman. The principal one of these tables, that for a
married or unmarried man, comprises cousins twice re-
moved, that is, derived by lineal descent from a common
great-great-grandfather, that ancestor himself, and all rela-
tives included within the two lines of descent from him to
them ; below the individual, it comprehends his own de-
scendants (in the male line) as far as great-great-grand-
children, his brother's as far as great-grandchildren, his
cousin's as far as grandchildren, and the children of his
cousin once removed. In this table nei-k/iin relation-
ships will alone be found ; mourning is worn for very few
of the wai-yin, and these, though actually, that is, in our
eyes, ties of consanguinity, and deserving far more con-
sideration than many for which a deeper habit is pre-
scribed, are classed among the very lowest degrees of
mourning.

'Six tables are given in the Ritual to which the five
habits are common ; they prescribe the mourning to be
worn by

ist, A man for his kinsmen and kinswomen ;

2nd, A wife for her husband's kinsfolk ;

3rd, A married female for her own kinsfolk ;

4th, A man for his mother's kinsfolk ;

5th, A man for his wife's kinsfolk ;

6th, A concubine for her master's kinsfolk.

' A seventh table is given, exhibiting the mourning to be
worn for step-fathers and fathers by adoption, and for step-
and foster-mothers, &c. ; but I have not thought it neces-
sary to encumber my paper by wandering into so remote
a portion of the field.

' To render these details more easily comprehensible, I
shall class the relationships in each table under their
appropriate degrees of mourning, and leave the reader to
examine the tables at his leisure. It need only be borne

APPENDIX TO BOOK II. 205

in mind, that, excepting where otherwise specified, the
relationship indicated is male, and only by descent through
the male line, as, for example, that by "cousin" a father's
brother's son alone is meant, and not a father's sister's son
or daughter.

' The five kinds of mourning, the names of which serve,
as has been said, to indicate the degrees of relationship to
which they belong, are : —
1st, ATan-jui (^f jg), nominally worn for three years,

really for twenty-seven months ;
2nd, 3ze-aui (^ ^), worn for one year, for five months,

or for three months ;
3rd, Ta-kung (^ ?})), worn for nine months ;
4th, Hsiao-kung (yj> jff), worn for five months;
5th, Sze-ma ($g£ Jflt), worn for three months.
( The character of each habit, and the relatives for whom
it is worn, are prescribed as follows : —

' 1st, Kan-^ui indicates relationships of the first degree.
The prescribed habit for it is composed of the coarsest
hempen fabric, and left unhemmed at the borders. It is
worn : —

' By a man, for his parents ; by a wife, for her husband,
and husband's parents ; and by a concubine, for her
master.

'2nd, 3ze-jui indicates relationships of the second de-
gree. The prescribed habit for it is composed of coarse
hempen fabric, with hemmed borders. It is worn for one
year : —

' By a man, for his grandparents ; uncle ; uncle's wife ;
spinster aunt ; brother; spinster sister ; wife; son (of wife
or concubine) ; daughter-in-law (wife of first-born); nephew;
spinster niece ; grandson (first-born son of first-born) ; by
a wife, for her husband's nephew, and husband's spinster
niece ; by a married woman, for her parents, and grand-
parents ; and by a concubine, for her master's wife ; her
master's parents ; her master's sons (by wife or other con-
cubine), and for sons. It is worn for five months : —

2 06 THE LI Kl.

' By a man, for his great-grandparents ; and by a mar-
ried woman, for her great-grandparents. It is worn for
three months : —

' By a man, for his great-great-grandparents ; and by
a married woman, for her great-great-grandparents.

'3rd, Ta-kung indicates relationships of the third de-
gree. The prescribed habit for it is composed of coarse
cotton fabric \ It is worn : —

' By a man, for his married aunt ; married sister ; brother's
wife ; first cousin ; spinster first cousin ; daughter-in-law
(wife of a younger son, or of a son of a concubine) ;
nephew's wife ; married niece ; and grandson (son of a
younger son, or of a concubine's son) ; by a wife, for
her husband's grandparents ; husband's uncle ; husband's
daughter-in-law (wife of a younger son, or of a concu-
bine's son) ; husband's nephew's wife ; husband's married
niece ; and grandson ; by a married woman, for her
uncle ; uncle's wife ; spinster aunt ; brother ; sister ;
nephew ; spinster niece ; and by a concubine, for her
grandson.

'4th, Hsiao-kung indicates relationships of the fourth
degree. The habit prescribed for it is composed of rather
coarse cotton fabric. It is worn : —

' By a man, for his grand-uncle ; grand-uncle's wife ;
spinster grand-aunt ; father's first cousin ; father's first
cousin's wife ; father's spinster first cousin ; married female
first cousin ; first cousin once removed ; spinster female
first cousin once removed ; second cousin ; spinster female
second cousin ; grand-daughter-in-law (wife of first-born
of first-born son); grand-nephew; spinster grand-niece;
mother's parents ; mother's brother ; mother's

1 In the very brief account of this preliminary chapter in the Penal Code,
given by Sir George Staunton, in his translation of the Code (page lxxv), he
gives for the material 'coarse' linen cloth. The Chinese character is simply
' cloth.' I suppose the material originally was linen ; but since the use of
cotton, both of native and foreign manufacture, has increased in China, it is
often substituted for linen. I have seen some mourners wearing linen, and
others wearing cotton.

APPENDIX TO BOOK II. 207

sister1; by a wife, for her husband's aunt; husband's
brother ; husband's brother's wife ; husband's sister ; hus-
band's second cousin ; spinster female second cousin of
husband ; husband's grand-nephew ; and spinster grand-
niece of husband ; by a married woman, for her spin-
ster aunt ; married sister ; first cousin ; and married
niece ; and by a concubine, for her master's grand-
parents.

'5th, Sze-ma indicates relationships of the fifth degree.
The prescribed dress for it is composed of rather fine
cotton cloth. It is worn : —

' By a man, for his great-grand-uncle ; great-grand-
uncle's wife; spinster great-grand-aunt; married grand-
aunt ; grandfather's first cousin ; grandfather's first cousin's
wife ; spinster first cousin of grandfather ; married female
first cousin of father ; father's first cousin once removed ;
wife of father's first cousin once removed ; father's spinster
first cousin once removed ; first cousin's wife ; married
female first cousin once removed ; first cousin twice re-
moved ; spinster first cousin twice removed ; married
female second cousin ; second cousin once removed ; spin-
ster second cousin once removed ; grand-daughter-in-law
(wife of son of a younger son, or of son of a concubine) ;
grand-nephew's wife ; married grand-niece ; third cousin ;
spinster third cousin; great-grandson; great-grand-nephew;
spinster great-grand-niece ; great-great-grandson; aunt's
son; mother's brother's son; mother's sister's son ;
wife's parents ; son-in-law; daughter's child : by
a wife, for her husband's great-great-grand-parents ; hus-
band's great-grand-parents ; husband's grand-uncle ; hus-
band's spinster grand-aunt ; father-in-law's first cousin ;
father-in-law's first cousin's wife ; spinster first cousin of
father-in-law ; female first cousin of husband ; husband's
second cousin's wife ; married female second cousin of hus-
band ; husband's second cousin once removed ; husband's

1 These names and others farther on, printed with spaced letters, all belong
to the Wai-yin relationships.

208 THE LI kL

spinster second cousin once removed ; grand-daughter-in-
law (wife of own or a concubine's grandson) ; husband's
grand-nephew's wife ; husband's married grand-niece ; hus-
band's third cousin ; spinster third cousin of husband ; great-
grandson ; great-grand-daughter-in-law ; husband's great-
grand-nephew ; spinster great-grand-niece of husband ; and
great-great-grandson : and by a married woman, for

her grand-uncle ; spinster grand-aunt ; father's first cousin ;
spinster first cousin of father ; spinster first cousin ; second
cousin ; spinster second cousin.'

TABLE No. 1.

Mourning worn by a Man for his Kinsmen and Kinswomen.

Great -great- grand-
mother.
(3 months.)

DEGREES.

oth

Degree.
3 mor.thi.

Motuniin".

TABLE No. 2.

Mourning worn by a Wife for her Husband's Kinsfolk.

Husband's 2nd Cousin once
reniived (female.)

Married.

Father-in-law's 1st Cousin.
(female.)

Single,

Husband** 1st Cousin.
(female.)

Husband's 2nd Cousin.
(female.)

Si ngle.

Husband's 3rd Cousin.
(female.)

Married.

Single.

Husband's Grand-aunt.

Single.

Husband'* Great-great-
grand- mother.

Husband's Great-grand-
mother.

Husband's Grand-
mother.

Husband's Aunt.

[Husband for Wife )
[1 year.)

Husband's Niece.

Married.

Single.

(1 yefcr.) ■

Daughter-

in-iaw

(younger

Sons and
Son*

Daughter'

in-law
(tldeitSon.

Husband,s Grand-niece.

Married.

Single.

Husband's G reat -grand-niece.

Single.

Daughter-

.*.!a« ./

your.gtr nr

inferior

Son,

Eldest Son'i

Daughter-

in-law

(tldett Son.

Great-grand-son's fi'ife.

Great-grand-
son's Daughter-mdaut.

Husband' t Oreat-grtat-

grand-father.

Hmband't Great -grand-
father.

Husband's Grand-
father.

Hatband's Grand uncle.

Father-in-law.

Husband * Uncle.

Brother-in-law and ff'ifr,

Father-in-law'* 1st Cousin
and H'ijT.

Husband's 1st QpuHn
and Wife.

Son.
(1 year.)

llvihand't

(l jmr.)

Great -gra nd-soiu

Great -grand -son' $ Son.

II:-' 11. i»
2m?'1 mill'

roth

U^ibtnii'l

2nd Garni*

tfu.land'.

6V. t.

^W.

*,!..

Grand-

Husband's Great -grand-
nephew.

Husband's 3rd Cousin.

Husband** 2nd Cousin
once removed.

TABLE No. 4.

Movrning worn by a Man for his Mother's Kinsfolk.

Mother'* Grind-parent*

Mother's Sitter.

Mother** Parent*.
1, 1

Mother's Brother.

Soil of Mother's Ut Coiiain
(female.)

Mother** Sister'* Son.

SELF.

Mother's Brother's Son.
\

Son of Mother's 1st Cousin
(male.)

Mother'* Sister's Grand-s^n.

Aunts Son.

Mother's Brother's Grand-urn.

Father's Sister's Urand-son.

Note.— Father's Sinter's Son and Grand-son, though not relatives
bj the Mother's ride, are yet properly /j\\ ^H •> and there-
fore are inserted: here. ^ | ^VU

.7'i/r'f 0 rand-parents.

TABLE No. 5.

Mourning worn by a Man for his Wift!s Kinsfolk:

H'i/e't Father** Sitter.

Wife's Father'* Br..(/..--

Father-in-law, Mother-in-law*

SELF.

Wife's Mother's Parents.

fiife's Sister.

Hifei Brother and II ife.

Son-in-law,

Wife** Sitter's Son.

H'ife'a Brother'* Son.

DaugHiitr4$ child.

rcn ami Grofct-yraiMi-children bj Daughter
elation*, but arc tncluflod In- rem.

iHntyhter'* flrmi'l *<■>! and t;nimi
daughter.

Nin-ic— Son-in-law, ami Graml-chili
ttnd (xtud-danghtaFj tn nut Wife's i

TABLE No. 6.
Mourning worn by a Concubine for lier Mother's Kvnsfolk.

Parent » of Lord,
(1 year.)

Lord'* Wife.
(1 year.)

'Mu Son*.

KUUit Sou of Lord.

Younger mid inferior Son*.

ttlbti i: rand-ton

of rldeti Son of I •■'■I.

Son* ■■/ younger and infen- £ U.

BOOK III. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS1.

Section I.
i. According to the regulations of emolument

fc> o

and rank framed by the kings, there were the
duke ; the marquis ; the earl ; the count ; and the
baron2 : — in all, five gradations (of rank). There
were (also), in the feudal states, Great officers3 of
the highest grade, — the ministers ; and Great officers
of the lowest grade ; officers of the highest, the
middle, and the lowest grades : — in all, five grada-
tions (of office).

2. The territory of the son of Heaven amounted
to iooo li square; that of a duke or marquis to
500 11 square; that of an earl to 70 li square; and
that of a count or baron to 50 li square4. (Lords)
who could not number 50 li square, were not

1 See the Introduction, chapter iii, pages 18-20.

2 Most sinologists have adopted these names for the Chinese
terms. Callery says, ' Les dues, les marquis, les comtes, les
vicomtes, et les barons.' See the note on Mencius, V, i, 2, 3, for
the meaning given to the different terms.

8 ' Great officers' are in Chinese Ta Fu, 'Great Sustainers.' The
character fu (-^?) is different from that for ' officer,' which follows.
The latter is called shih (^t), often translated ' scholar,' and is
' the designation of one having a special charge.' Callery generally
retains the Chinese name Ta Fii, which I have not liked to do.

4 A li is made up of 360 paces. At present 27-8 li = 10 English
miles, and one geographical li= 1458-53 English feet. The terri-
tories were not squares, but when properly measured, ' taking the
length with the breadth,' were equal to so many li square. The
Chinese term rendered 'territory' is here (£E|), meaning 'fields;'
but it is not to be supposed that that term merely denotes ' ground
that could be cultivated,' as some of the commentators maintain.
[27] P

2IO THE Li Ki. BK. III.

admitted directly to (the audiences of) the son of
Heaven. Their territories were called ' attached,'
being joined to those of one of the other princes.

3. The territory assigned to each of the ducal
ministers of the son of Heaven was equal to that
of a duke or marquis ; that of each of his high
ministers was equal to that of an earl ; that of his
Great officers to the territory of a count or baron ;
and that of his officers of the chief grade to an
attached territory.

4. According to the regulations, the fields of the
husbandmen were in portions of a hundred acres \
According to the different qualities of those acres,
when they were of the highest quality, a farmer
supported nine individuals ; where they were of the
next, eight ; and so on, seven, six, and five. The
pay of the common people, who were employed in
government offices2, was regulated in harmony with
these distinctions among the husbandmen.

5. The officers of the lowest grade in the feudal
states had an emolument equal to that of the hus-
bandmen whose fields were of the highest quality ;
equal to what they would have made by tilling the
fields. Those of the middle grade had double that
of the lowest grade ; and those of the highest grade
double that of the middle. A Great officer of the
lowest grade had double that of an officer of the
hio-hest. A high minister had four times that of

1 The mau is much less than an English acre, measuring only
7333 square yards. An English acre is rather more than 6 mau.

2 But held their appointments only from the Head of their
department, and were removable by him at pleasure, having no
commission from the king, or from the ruler of the state in which
they were.

SECT. I. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 2 I I

a Great officer ; and the ruler had ten times that
of a high minister. In a state of the second class,
the emolument of a minister was three times that of
a Great officer ; and that of the ruler ten times that
of a minister. In small states, a high minister had
twice as much as a Great officer ; and the ruler ten
times as much as a minister.

6. The highest minister, in a state of the second
class, ranked with the one of the middle grade in
a great state ; the second, with the one of the
lowest grade ; and the lowest, with a Great officer
of the highest grade. The highest minister in a
small state ranked with the lowest of a great state ;
the second, with the highest Great officer of the
other ; and the lowest, with one of the lower grade.

7. Where there were officers of the middle grade
and of the lowest, the number in each was three
times that in the grade above it \

8. Of the nine provinces embracing all within
the four seas2, a province was iooo 11 square, and
there were established in it 30 states of 100 li
(square) each ; 60 of 70 li ; 120 of 50 li : — in all,
210 states. The famous hills and great meres were
not included in the investitures 3. The rest of the

1 Some of the critics think that this sentence is out of place,
and really belongs to paragraph 5 of next section. As the text
stands, and simple as it appears, it is not easy to construe.

2 The expression ' the four seas ' must have originated from an
erroneous idea that the country was an insular square, with a sea
or ocean on each side. The explanation of it in the R Ya as
denoting the country surrounded by ' The 9 I, the 8 Ti, the
7 Zung, and the 6 Man,' was an attempt to reconcile the early
error with the more accurate knowledge acquired in the course of
time. But the name of ' seas' cannot be got over.

3 That is, these hills and meres were still held to belong to all

P 2

2T2 THE LI ATI. BK. III.

ground formed attached territories and unoccupied
lands of the eight provinces (apart from that which
formed the royal domain), each contained (the above)
210 states1.

9. Within the domain2 of the son of Heaven
there were 9 states of 100 li square; 21 of 70 li ;
and 63 of 50 li : — in all, 93 states. The famous
hills and great meres were not assigned 3. The
rest of the ground served to endow the officers, and
to form unoccupied lands.

10. In all, in the nine provinces, there were 1773
states, not counting in (the lands of) the officers of
the chief grade of the son of Heaven, nor the
attached territories in the feudal states.

Section II.

1. (The contributions from) the first hundred 11
(square) of the son of Heaven served to supply (the
needs of) the (various) public offices ; (those from the
rest of) the thousand li were for his own special use4.

2. Beyond his thousand li, chiefs of regions were
appointed. Five states formed a union, which had

the people, and all had a right to the game on the hills and the
fish of the waters. The princes could not deny to any the right
of access to them ; though I suppose they could levy a tax on
what they caught.

1 This statement must be in a great degree imaginary, suppos-
ing, as it does, that the provinces were all of the same size. They
were not so ; nor are the eighteen provinces of the present day so.

2 The character in the text here is different from that usually
employed to denote the royal domain.

s The term is different from the ' invested ' of the previous
paragraph. The tenures in the royal domain were not hereditary.

4 Such seems to be the view of the .Oien-lung editors. Callery
translates the paragraph substantially as I have done.

SECT. II. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 213

a President. Ten formed a combination, which had
a Leader. Thirty formed a confederation, which
had a Director. Two hundred and ten formed a
province, which had a Chief. In the eight provinces
there were eight Chiefs, fifty-six Directors, one
hundred and sixty-eight Leaders, and three hundred
and thirty-six Presidents. The eight Chiefs, with
those under them, were all under the two Ancients
of the son of Heaven. They divided all under
the sky between them, one having charge of the
regions on the left and the other of those on the
right, and were called the two (Great) Chiefs 1.

3. All within the thousand li (of the royal domain)
was called the Tien (or field Tenure). Outside that
domain there were the 3n^i (or service territories)
and the Liu (or territory for banished persons).

4. The son of Heaven had three dukes 2, nine
high ministers2, twenty-seven Great officers, and
eighty-one officers of the chief grade.

5. In a great state there were three high ministers3,
all appointed by the son of Heaven ; five Great

1 Of these two great chiefs, we have an instance in the dukes of A^au
and Shao, at the rise of the .#au dynasty, the former having under
his jurisdiction all the states west of the Shen river, and the other, all
east of it. But in general, this constitution of the kingdom is imaginary.

2 Compare the Shu V, xx. The three dukes (Kung) were the
Grand Tutor, Grand Assistant, and Grand Guardian. The nine
ministers were the Prime Minister, the Ministers of Instruction,
Religion, War, Crime, and Works, with the Junior Tutor, Junior
Assistant, and Junior Guardian added. The six ministers exist
still, substantially, in the six Boards. The titles of the three Kung
and their Juniors also still exist.

:; These appear to have been the Ministers of Instruction, War, and
Works. The first had also the duties of Premier, the second those
of minister of Religion, and the third those of minister of Crime.

214 THE L* K^' BK' m"

officers of the lower grade ; and twenty-seven officers
of the highest grade. In a state of the second class
there were three high ministers, two appointed by
the son of Heaven and one by the ruler ; five Great
officers of the lower grade ; and twenty-seven officers
of the highest grade. In a small state there were
two high ministers, both appointed by the ruler ;
five Great officers of the lower grade ; and twenty-
seven officers of the highest grade.

6. The son of Heaven employed his Great officers
as the Three Inspectors, — to inspect the states under
the Chiefs of Regions1. For each state there were
three Inspectors.

7. Within the domain of the son of Heaven the
princes enjoyed their allowances ; outside it they
had their inheritances 2.

8. According to the regulations, any one of the
three ducal ministers might wear one additional sym
bol of distinction, — that of the descending dragon3.

1 The .Oien-lung editors think that this was a department first
appointed by the Han dynasty, and that the compilers of this Book
took for it the name of ' the Three Inspectors,' from king Wu's
appointment of his three brothers to watch the proceedings of the
son of the last sovereign of Yin, in order to give it an air of
antiquity. Was it the origin of the existing Censorate ?

2 Outside the royal domain, the feudal states were all hereditary.
This is a fact of all early Chinese history. In the domain itself
the territories were appanages rather than states. Yet they were
in some sense hereditary too. The descendants of all who had
served the country well, were not to be left unprovided for.
Compare Mencius I, ii, 5, 3.

3 See the Shih, Part I, xv, Ode 6. 1, with the note in my
edition of ' the Chinese Classics.' The old symbols of distinction
gave rise to ' the Insignia of Civil and Military Officers ' of the
present dynasty, called A'iu phin (^ pp)- See Williams'
Dictionary, p. 698. This paragraph is in the expurgated edition

SECT. II. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 2 I 5

But if such an addition were made (to his eight
symbols), it must be by special grant. There were
only nine symbols (in all). The ruler of a state of
the second class wore only seven of them, and the
ruler of a small state only five.

9. The high minister of a great state could not
wear more than three of the symbols, and the
ministers below him only two. The high ministers
of a small state, and Great officers of the lowest
class, wore only one.

10. The rule was that the abilities of all put
into offices over the people should first be discussed.
After they had been discussed with discrimination,
the men were employed. When they had been
(proved) in the conduct of affairs, their rank was
assigned ; and when their position was (thus) fixed,
they received salary.

11. It was in the court that rank was conferred,
the (already existing) officers being (thus) associated
in the act1. It was in the market-place that
punishment was inflicted; the multitude being (thus)
associated in casting the criminals off. Hence, neither
the ruler, nor (the head of) a clan, would keep a criminal
who had been punished about him ; a Great officer
would not maintain him ; nor would an officer, meet-

of the Li K\, used by Callery, and he gives for it, unfortunately,
the following version : — ' II est de regie que les trois ministres
(qui d'habitude n'appartiennent qu'au 8e ordre de dignitaires), en
montant un degrd portent l'habit des dragons en broderie. Si, apres
cela, il y a lieu de leur accorder de nouvelles recompenses, on leur
donne des objets de valeur, car on ne va pas au dela du ge ordre.'

1 The presence of the officers generally would be a safeguard
against error in the appointments, as they would know the
individuals.

2l6 THE LI ATI. BK. in.

ing him on the road, speak to him. Such men were
sent away to one of the four quarters, according to
the sentence on each. They were not allowed to have
anything to do with affairs of government, to show
that there was no object in allowing them to live1.

12. In their relation to the son of Heaven, the
feudal princes were required to send every year a
minor mission to the court, and every three years
a greater mission ; once in five years they had to
appear there in person.

13. The son of Heaven, every five years, made a
tour of Inspection through the fiefs2.

14. In the second month of the year, he visited
those on the East, going to the honoured mountain
of Tai. There he burnt a (great) pile of wood, and
announced his arrival to Heaven ; and with looks
directed to them, sacrificed to the hills and rivers.
He gave audience to the princes ; inquired out those
who were 100 years old, and went to see them :
ordered the Grand music-master to bring- him the
poems (current in the different states)3, that he might
see the manners of the people ; ordered the superin-
tendents of markets to present (lists of prices), that
he might see what the people liked and disliked, and
whether they were set on extravagance and loved

1 It has been said that these were rules of the Yin or Shane:
dynasty. The A7/ien-lung editors maintain that they were followed
by all the three feudal dynasties.

2 Compare vol. iii, pp. 39, 40.

3 These would include ballads and songs. Perhaps ' Grand
music -master ' should be in the plural, meaning those officers of
each state. Probably these would have given them to the king's
Grand music-master.

SECT. II. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 21 7

w hat was bad ; he ordered the superintendent of
rites to examine the seasons and months, and fix
the days, and to make uniform the standard tubes,
the various ceremonies, the (instruments of) music,
all measures, and (the fashions of) clothes. (What-
ever was wrong in these) was rectified.

15. Where any of the spirits of the hills and
rivers had been unattended to, it was held to be an
act of irreverence, and the irreverent ruler was de-
prived of a part of his territory. Where there had
been neglect of the proper order in the observances
of the ancestral temple, it was held to show a want
of filial piety, and the rank of the unfilial ruler was
reduced. Where any ceremony had been altered,
or any instrument of music changed, it was held
to be an instance of disobedience, and the disobe-
dient ruler was banished. Where the statutory
measures and the (fashion of) clothes had been
changed, it was held to be rebellion, and the rebel-
lious ruler was taken off. The ruler who had done
good service for the people, and shown them an
example of virtue, received an addition to his
territory and rank.

16. In the seventh month, (the son of Heaven) con-
tinued his tour, going to the south, to the mountain
of that quarter1, observing the same ceremonies as in
the east. In the eighth month, he went on to the
west, to the mountain of that quarter2, observing the

1 Mount Hang ; in the present district of Hang-shan, dept.
Hang-Hu, Hu-nan.

2 Mount Hwa; in the present district of Hwa-yin, dept. Thung-
Hu, Shen-hsi.

2l8 THE LI k1.

BK. III.

same ceremonies as in the south. In the eleventh
month, he went on to the north, to the mountain of
that quarter1, observing the same ceremonies as in
the west. (When all was done), he returned (to the
capital), repaired (to the ancestral temple) and offered
a bull in each of the fanes, from that of his (high)
ancestor to that of his father2.

17. When the son of Heaven was about to go
forth, he sacrificed specially, but with the usual
forms, to God, offered the 1 sacrifice at the altar
of the earth, and the 3hao in the fane of his
father3. When one of the feudal princes was
about to go forth, he offered the t sacrifice to the
spirits of the land, and the 3hao in the fane of
his father.

18. When the son of Heaven received the feudal
princes, and there was no special affair on hand, it
was (simply) called an audience. They examined
their ceremonies, rectified their punishments, and
made uniform what they considered virtuous ; thus
giving honour to the son of Heaven4.

19. When the son of Heaven gave (an instrument
of) music to a duke or marquis, the presentation was

1 Mount Hang; in the present district of Khu-yaxig, dept.
Ting-Mu, ^"ih-li.

2 I have followed here the view of Khung Ying-ta. It seems to
me that all the seven fanes of the son of Heaven were under
one roof, or composed one great building, called ' the Ancestral
Temple.' See p. 224.

3 The meaning of the names of the different sacrifices here is
little more than guessed at.

4 The second sentence of this paragraph is variously under-
stood.

SECT. II.

THE ROYAL REGULATIONS.

219

preceded by a note from the signal box1 ; when
giving one to an earl, count, or baron, the presenta-
tion was preceded by shaking the hand-drum.
When the bow and arrows were conferred on a
prince, he could proceed to execute the royal
justice. When the hatchet and battle-axe were
conferred, he could proceed to inflict death. When
a large libation-cup was conferred, he could make the
spirits from the black millet for himself. When this
cup was not conferred, he had to depend for those
spirits (as a gift) from the son of Heaven.

20. When the son of Heaven ordered a prince to
institute instruction, he proceeded to build his schools ;
the children's2, to the south of his palace, on the
left of it ; that for adults, in the suburbs. (The
college of) the son of Heaven was called (the palace
of) Bright Harmony, (and had a circlet of water).
(That of) the princes was called the Palace with its
semicircle of water.

«•

1 A representation of the signal box is here given (1). The
note was made by turning the upright handle, which then struck
on some arrangement inside. The hand-drum is also repre-
sented (2). It was merely a sort of rattle ; only that the noise was

(1)

made by the two little balls striking against the ends of the drum.
It is constantly seen and heard in the streets of Chinese cities
at the present day, in the hands of pedlers and others.

2 That is, the children of the princes ; but an impulse was thus
given to the education of children of lower degree.

220 THE LI Kl. BK. III.

21. When the son of Heaven was about to go
forth on a punitive expedition, he sacrificed specially,
but with the usual forms, to God ; offered the I sacri-
fice at the altar of the Earth, and the 3ha° in
the fane of his father. He offered sacrifice also to
the Father of War (on arriving) at the state which
was the object of the expedition. He had received
his charge from his ancestors, and the complete (plan)
for the execution of it in the college. He went forth
accordingly, and seized the criminals ; and on his
return he set forth in the college his offerings, and
announced (to his ancestors) how he had questioned
(his prisoners), and cut off the ears (of the slain) \

22. When the son of Heaven and the princes had
no (special) business in hand, they had three huntings2
in the year. The first object in them was to supply
the sacrificial dishes with dried flesh ; the second, to
provide for guests and visitors ; and the third, to
supply the ruler's kitchen.

23. Not to hunt when there was no (special)
business in the way was deemed an act of irrever-
ence3. To hunt without observing the rules (for
hunting) was deemed cruelty to the creatures of
Heaven.

24. The son of Heaven did not entirely surround
(the hunting ground)4 ; and a feudal prince did not

1 Compare paragraph 17, and vol. iii, pp. 392, 393.

2 The huntings were in spring, summer, and winter, for each of
which there was its proper name. In autumn the labours of the
field forbade hunting.

3 Irreverence, in not making provision for sacrifices ; disrespect,
in not providing properly for guests.

4 He left one opening for the game. This paragraph contains
some of the rules for hunting.

SECT. II. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 221

take a (whole) herd by surprise. When the son
of Heaven had done killing, his large flag was
lowered ; and when the princes had done, their
smaller flag. When the Great officers had done, the
auxiliary carriages were stopped1 ; and after this, the
common people fell a hunting (for themselves).

25. When the otter sacrificed its fish2, the foresters
entered the meres and dams. When the wolf
sacrificed its prey, the hunting commenced. When
the dove changed into a hawk, they set their nets,
large and small. When the plants and trees began
to drop their leaves, they entered the hills and forests
(with the axe). Until the insects had all withdrawn
into their burrows, they did not fire the fields. They
did not take fawns nor eggs. They did not kill
pregnant animals, nor those which had not attained to
their full growth. They did not throw down nests3.

26. The chief minister determined the expendi-
ture of the states, and it was the rule that he should
do so at the close of the year. When the five kinds
of grain had all been gathered in, he then determined
the expenditure ; — according to the size of each terri-
tory, as large or small, and the returns of the year, as
abundant or poor. On the average of thirty years
he determined the expenditure, regulating the out-
going by the income.

1 These were light carriages used in driving and keeping the
game together.

2 See the next Book, where all these regulations are separately
mentioned.

3 The Chinese have a reputation for being callous in the in-
fliction of punishment and witnessing suffering ; and I think they
are so. But these rules were designed evidently to foster kindness
and sympathy.

222 THE LI kI.

BK. III.

27. A tenth of the (year's) expenditure was for
sacrifices. During the three years of the mourning
rites (for parents), the king did not sacrifice (in
person), excepting to Heaven, Earth, and the Spirits
of the land and grain ; and when he went to transact
any business, the ropes (for his chariot) were made
of hemp (and not of silk)1. A tithe of three years'
expenditure was allowed for the rites of mourning.
When there was not sufficient for the rites of sacrifice
and mourning, it was owing to lavish waste ; when
there was more than enough, the state was described
as affluent. In sacrifices there should be no extrava-
gance in good years, and no niggardliness in bad.

28. If in a state there was not accumulated (a
surplus) sufficient for nine years, its condition was
called one of insufficiency ; if there was not enough
for six years, one of urgency. If there was not a
surplus sufficient for three years, the state could not
continue. The husbandry of three years was held to
give an overplus of food sufficient for one year ; that
of nine years, an overplus sufficient for three years.
Going through thirty years (in this way), though there
might be bad years, drought, and inundations, the
people would have no lack or be reduced to (eating
merely) vegetables, and then the son of Heaven
would every day have full meals and music at them.

Section III.

1. The son of Heaven was encoffined on the

seventh day (after his death), and interred in the

seventh month. The prince of a state was en-

1 Such is the meaning of the text here given by the ,Oien-lung
editors. It is found also in the Khang-hsi dictionary, under the
character t&£ called in this usage hwo.

SECT. III. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 223

coffined on the fifth day, and interred in the fifth
month. A Great officer, (other) officers, and the
common people were encoffined on the third day,
and interred in the third month. The mourning
rites of three years (for parents) extended from the
son of Heaven to all.

2. The common people let the coffin down into
the grave by ropes, and did not suspend the interment
because of rain. They raised no mound, nor planted
trees over the grave. That no other business should
interfere with the rites of mourning was a thing ex-
tending from the son of Heaven to the common
people.

3. In the mourning rites they followed (the rank
of) the dead ; in sacrificing to them, that of the
living. A son by a concubine did not (preside at)
the sacrifices K

4. (The ancestral temple of) the son of Heaven
embraced seven fanes (or smaller temples) ; three on
the left and three on the right, and that of his great
ancestor (fronting the south) : — in all, seven. (The
temple of) the prince of a state embraced five such
fanes : those of two on the left, and two on the right,
and that of his great ancestor : — in all, five. Great
officers had three fanes : — one on the left, one on
the right, and that of his great ancestor : — in all.
three. Other officers had (only) one. The common
people presented their offerings in their (principal)
apartment2.

1 Even though he might attain to higher rank than the son of
the wife proper, who represented their father.

2 The technical terms (as they may be called) in the text make
it impossible to translate this paragraph concisely, so as to make it
intelligible to a foreign reader unacquainted with the significance of

224

THE LI A'l.

BK. III.

5. The sacrifices in the ancestral temples of the
son of Heaven and the feudal princes were that of

those terms. The following ground-plan of an ancestral temple of
a king of Aau is given in the plates of the A7/ien-lung edition

of the Li AT :
condensations.

-after ATi Hsi. I introduce it here with some

Grand Ancestor

King Wan

King Wu

Great Grandfather

G.G. Grandfather

Father

Grandfather

Entering at the gate on the south, we have, fronting us, at the
northern end, the fane of the grand ancestor to whom, in the
distant past, the family traced its line. South of his fane, on the
right and left, were two fanes dedicated to kings Wan and Wu,
father and son, the joint founders of the dynasty. The four
below them, two on each side, were dedicated to the four kings
preceding the reigning king, the sacrificer. At the back of each
fane was a comparatively dark apartment, called kh\n (j|lt«).
where the spirit tablet was kept during the intervals between the

SECT. III. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 2 2

spring, called Yo ; that of summer, called Ti ; that of
autumn, called AV/ang ; and that of winter, called
AV/ane *.

6. The son of Heaven sacrificed to Heaven and
Earth ; the princes of the states, to the (spirits of the)
land and grain; Great officers offered the five
sacrifices (of the house). The son of Heaven sacri-
ficed to all the famous hills and great streams under
the sky, the five mountains2 receiving (sacrificial)
honours like the honours paid (at court) to the three
ducal ministers, and the four rivers2 honours like those
paid to the princes of states ; the princes sacrificed
to the famous hills and great streams which were in
their own territories.

7. The son of Heaven and the feudal lords sacri-
ficed to the ancient princes who had no successors to

sacrifices. When a sacrifice was offered, the tablet was brought
out and placed in the centre of a screen, in the middle of the fane.
As the line lengthened, while the tablets of the grand ancestor
and joint ancestors always remained untouched, on a death and
accession, the tablet of the next oldest occupant was removed
and placed in a general apartment for the keeping of all such
tablets, and that of the newly deceased king was placed in the
father's fane, and the other three were shifted up, care being
always taken that the tablet of a son should never follow that of
his father ont he same side. The number of the lower fanes was
maintained, as a rule, at four. Those on the east were called Kio
(fl3), and on the west Mu (^), the names in the text here.
See the Chinese Classics, I, pp. 266, 267, and the note there.

1 The names of some of these sacrifices and their order are
sometimes given differently.

'■ For four of these mountains, see pages 217, 218, notes. The
fifth was that of the centre, mount Sung, in the present district
of Sung, department Ho-nan, Ho-nan. The four rivers were the
A'iang, the Hwai, the Ho, and the K\.
[27] Q

226 THE LI KI. BK. III.

preside over the sacrifices to them, and whose pos-
sessions now formed part of the royal domain or of
their respective states.

8. The son of Heaven offered the spring sacrifice
apart and by itself alone, but his sacrifices of all
the other seasons were conducted on a greater scale
in the fane of the high ancestor. The princes of
the states who offered the spring sacrifice omitted
that of the summer ; those who offered that of the
summer omitted that of the autumn; those who
sacrificed in autumn did not do so in winter; and those
who sacrificed in winter did not do so in spring1.

In spring they offered the sacrifice of the season
by itself apart ; in summer, in the fane of the
high ancestor 2 ; in autumn and winter both the
sacrifices were there associated together.

9. In sacrificing at the altars to the spirits of the
land and grain, the son of Heaven used in each
case a bull, a ram, and a boar ; the princes, (only)
a ram and a boar. Great and other officers, at
the sacrifices in their ancestral temples, if they had
lands, sacrificed an animal ; and, if they had no lands,
they only presented fruits. The common people, in
the spring, presented scallions ; in summer, wheat ;
in autumn, millet; and in winter, rice unhulled. The
scallions were set forth with eggs ; the wheat with

1 The princes who omitted one sacrifice in the year would
probably be absent in that season, attending at the royal court.
They paid that attendance in turns from the several quarters.

2 If in this summer service the seasonal and the sacrifice in the
fane of the high sacrifice were associated together, the rule for the
princes was the same as for the king. There was the ordinary
associate sacrifice, and 'the great;' about which the discussions
and different views have been endless.

SECT. in. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 227

fish; the millet with a sucking-pig; and the rice
with a goose.

10. Of the bulls used in sacrificing to Heaven
and Earth, the horns were (not larger than) a cocoon
or a chestnut1. Those of the one used in the ances-
tral temple could be grasped with the hand ; those of
the ox used for (feasting) guests were a foot long.

Without sufficient cause, a prince did not kill an
ox, nor a Great officer a sheep, nor another officer
a dog or a pig, nor a common person eat delicate
food.

The various provisions (at a feast) did not go
beyond the sacrificial victims killed ; the private
clothes were not superior to the robes of sacrifice ;
the house and its apartments did not surpass the
ancestral temple.

n. Anciently, the public fields were cultivated by
the united labours of the farmers around them, from
the produce of whose private fields nothing was levied.
A rent was charged for the stances in the market-
places, but wares were not taxed. Travellers were
examined at the different passes, but no duties were
levied from them. Into the forests and plains at
the foot of mountains the people went without hin-
drance at the proper seasons. None of the produce
was levied from the fields assigned to the younger
sons of a family, nor from the holy fields. Only
three days' labour was required (by the state) from
the people in the course of a year. Fields and resi-
dences in the hamlets, (when once assigned), could

1 The victims must all have been young animals ; ' to show,'
says Wang Thao, ' that the sincerity of the worshipper is the
chief thing in the view of Heaven.'

Q 2

2 28 THE Li A't.

BK. III.

not be sold. Ground set apart for graves could not
be sought (for any other purpose)1.

12. The minister of Works with his (various) in-
struments measured the ground for the settlements
of the people. About the hills and rivers, the oozy
ground and the meres, he determined the periods of
the four seasons. He measured the distances of one
spot from another, and commenced his operations in
employing the labour of the people. In all his em-
ployment of them, he imposed (only) the tasks of old
men (on the able-bodied), and gave (to the old) the
food-allowance of the able-bodied.

13. In all their settlements, the bodily capacities
of the people are sure to be according to the sky
and earthly influences, as cold or hot, dry or moist.
Where the valleys are wide and the rivers large, the
ground was differently laid out ; and the people born
in them had different customs. Their temperaments,

1 Compare Mencius III, i, 3, 6-9, et al. ; II, i, 5, 2-4 ; I, i, 3,
3, 4 ; III, i, 3, 15-17; with the notes. I give here also the note
of P. Callery on the first sentence of this paragraph : — ' Sous les
trois premieres dynasties, e*poque eloignee ou il y avait peu de
terrains cultiv^s c'ans l'empire, le gouvernement conc^dait les terres
inculles par Carre's dquilateres ayant 900 mau, ou arpents,
de superficie. Ces Carre's, qu'on nommait 3ing (^p). d'apres
leur analogie de trace" avec le caractere %'mg, "a well," dtaient
divise's en neuf carrds e"gaux de 100 mau chacun, au moyen de
deux lignes methanes que deux autres lignes coupaient a angle
droit a des distances e"gales. II re'sultait de cette intersection de
lignes une sorte de damier de trois cases de cote*, ayant huit Carre's
sur la circonference, et un carre* au milieu. Les huit Carre's du
pourtour devenaient la propridtd de huit colons ; mais celui du
centre dtait un champ de reserve dont la culture restait bien a
la charge des huit voisins, mais dont les produits appartenaient
a l'empereur.'

SECT. III. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 22Q

as hard or soft, light or grave, slow or rapid, were
made uniform by different measures ; their prefer-
ences as to flavours were differently harmonised ;
their implements were differently made ; their clothes
were differently fashioned, but always suitably. Their
training was varied, without changing their customs;
and the governmental arrangements were uniform,
without changing the suitability (in each case).

14. The people of those five regions — the Middle
states, and the Zung, 1, (and other wild tribes round
them) — had all their several natures, which they could
not be made to alter. The tribes on the east were
called I. They had their hair unbound, and tattooed
their bodies. Some of them ate their food without
its beine cooked. Those on the south were called
Man. They tattooed their foreheads, and had their
feet turned in towards each other. Some of them
(also) ate their food without its being cooked.
Those on the west were called ^ung. They had
their hair unbound, and wore skins. Some of them
did not eat grain-food. Those on the north were
called Ti. They wore skins of animals and birds,
and dwelt in caves. Some of them also did not eat
grain-food.

The people of the Middle states, and of those I,
Man, Zung, and Ti, all had their dwellings, where
they lived at ease ; their flavours which they preferred;
the clothes suitable for them ; their proper implements
for use ; and their vessels which they prepared in
abundance. In those five regions, the languages of
the people were not mutually intelligible, and their
likings and desires were different. To make what
was in their minds apprehended, and to communicate
their likings and desires, (there were officers),' — in the

23O THE Li Kl. BK. ill.

east, called transmitters ; in the south, representa-
tionists ; in the west, Ti-tis1 ; and in the north,
interpreters.

15. In settling the people, the ground was mea-
sured for the formation of towns, and then measured
again in smaller portions for the allotments of the
people. When the division of the ground, the cities,
and the allotments were thus fixed in adaptation to
one another, so that there was no ground unoccu-
pied, and none of the people left to wander about
idle, economical arrangements were made about food ;
and its proper business appointed for each season.
Then the people had rest in their dwellings, did joy-
fully what they had to do, exhorted one another
to labour, honoured their rulers, and loved their
superiors. This having been secured, there ensued
the institution of schools.

Section IV.

1. The minister of Instruction defined and set
forth the six ceremonial observances2 : — to direct and
control the nature of the people ; clearly illustrated
the seven lessons (of morality) 3 to stimulate their
virtue ; inculcated uniformity in the eight objects of
government2, to guard against all excess; taught the

1 I cannot translate Ti-tf. It was the name of a region
(Williams says, ' near the Koko-nor '), the people of which had a
reputation for singing.

2 See the last paragraph of these Regulations, at the end of
next Section.

3 It has become the rule, apparently with all sinologists, to call the
minister in the text here, Sze Thu, by the name of ' The minister

SECT. IV. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 23I

sameness of the course (of duty) and virtue, to assi-
milate manners ; nourished the aged, to secure the
completion of filial piety ; showed pity to orphans and
solitaries, to reach those who had been bereaved;
exalted men of talents and worth, to give honour to
virtue ; and dealt summarily with the unworthy, to
discountenance wickedness.

2. He commanded that, throughout the districts1,
there should be marked and pointed out to him
those who were disobedient to his lessons. (This
having been done), the aged men were all assembled
in the school2, and on a good day archery was prac-
tised and places were given according to merit. (At
the same time) there was a feast, when places were
given according to age. The Grand minister of
Instruction3 conducted thither the eminent scholars
of the state and along with them superintended the
business.

of Instruction.' Callery describes him as ' Le ministre qui a
dans ses attributions l'instruction publique et les rites.' And this
is correct according to the account of his functions here, in the
ATau Li, and in the Shu (V, xx, 8); but the characters (If) ^£)
simply denote ' superintendent of the multitudes.' This, then,
was the conception anciently of what government had to do for
the multitudes, — to teach them all moral and social duties, how to
discharge their obligations to men living and dead, and to spiritual
beings. The name is now applied to the president and vice-
president of the board of Revenue.

1 That is, the six districts embraced in the royal domain, each
nominally containing 12,500 families.

2 The great school of the district. The aged men would be
good officers retired from duty, and others of known worth.

3 Here we have ' the Grand minister of Instruction ; ' and it
may be thought we should translate the name in the first paragraph
in the plural. No doubt, where there is no specification of ' the
grand,' it means the board or department of Education.

232 THE Li Kl. BK. III.

If those (who had been reported to him) did not
(now) change, he gave orders that they who were
noted as continuing disobedient in the districts on
the left should be removed to those on the right,
and those noted on the right to the districts on the
left. Then another examination was held in the same
way, and those who had not changed were removed
to the nearest outlying territory. Still continuing
unchanged, they were removed, after a similar trial,
to the more distant territory. There they were again
examined and tried, and if still found defective, they
were cast out to a remote region, and for all their
lives excluded from distinction.

3. Orders were given that, throughout the districts,
the youths who were decided on as of promising ability
should have their names passed up to the minister of
Instruction, when they were called ' select scholars.'
He then decided which of them gave still greater
promise, and promoted them to the (great) college1,
where they were called 'eminent scholars2.' Those
who were brought to the notice of the minister were
exempted from services in the districts ; and those
who were promoted to the (great) school, from all
services under his own department, and (by and by)
were called ' complete scholars V

4. The (board for) the direction of Music gave
all honour to its four subjects of instruction3, and

1 This would be the college at the capital.

! Have we not in these the prototypes of the ' Flowering
Talents' (Hsiu 3hai ^ yj^) and 'Promoted Men' (A'ii Zan
Jg: \) of to-day?

3 In the text these are called ' the four Arts' and ' the four Teach-
ings ; ' but the different phrases seem to have the same meaning.

SECT. IV. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 233

arranged the lessons in them, following closely the
poems, histories, ceremonies, and music of the former
kings, in order to complete its scholars. The spring
and autumn were devoted to teaching the ceremonies
and music; the winter and summer to the poems and
histories1. The eldest son of the king and his other
sons, the eldest sons of all the feudal princes, the
sons, by their wives proper, of the high ministers,
Great officers, and officers of the highest grade, and
the eminent and select scholars from (all) the states,
all repaired (to their instruction), entering the schools
according to their years.

5. When the time drew near for their quitting the
college, the smaller and greater assistants2, and the
inferior director of the board, put down those who had
not attended to their instructions, and reported them
to the Grand director, who in turn reported them to
the kincr. The king- ordered the three ducal minis-
ters, his nine (other) ministers, the Great officers, and
the (other) officers, all to enter the school (and
hold an examination). If this did not produce the
necessary change ; the king in person inspected the
school ; and if this also failed, for three days he took
no full meal nor had music, after which the (culprits)
were cast out to the remote regions. Sending them
to those of the west was called ' a (temporary) expul-

1 The A^ien-lung editors say that ' in spring and autumn the
temperature is equable and the bodily spirits good, well adapted
for the practice of ceremonies and moving in time to the music,
whereas the long days of summer and long nights of winter are
better adapted for the tasks of learning the poems and histories.'

2 The smaller assistants of the Grand director of Music were
eighteen, and the greater four. See the A'au Li, XVII, 21. Their
functions are described in XXII, 45-53.

2 34

THE Li ATI. BK. III.

sion;' to the east, ' a temporary exile.' But all their
lives they were excluded from distinction.

6. The Grand director of Music, having fully con-
sidered who were the most promising of the ' com-
pleted scholars,' reported them to the king, after which
they were advanced to be under the minister of War,
and called 'scholars ready for employment1.'

7. The minister of War gave discriminating con-
sideration (to the scholars thus submitted to him),
with a view to determine the offices for which their
abilities fitted them. He then reported his decisions
concerning the best and ablest of them to the king,
to have that judgment fixed 2. When it was, they
were put into offices. After they had discharged the
duties of these, rank was given them ; and, their
positions being thus fixed, they received salary.

8. When a Great officer was dismissed as incom-
petent from his duties, he was not (again) employed
in any office to the end of his life. At his death, he
was buried as an (ordinary) officer.

1 Exactly the name to the candidates of to-day who have suc-
ceeded at the triennial examinations at the capital ; ' the Metro-
politan Graduates,' as Mayers (page 72) calls them.

2 It is strange to find the minister of War performing the services
here mentioned, and only these. The .Oien-lung editors say that
the compilers of this Book had not seen the iTau Li nor the Shu.
It has been seen in the Introduction, pages 4, 5, how the -A'au Li
came to light in the reign of Wu, perhaps fifty years after this Book
was made, and even then did not take its place among the other
restored monuments till the time of Liu Hsin. To make the
duties here ascribed to the minister of War (literally, ' Master of
Horse,' fjj Jfi) appear less anomalous, A'ang and other com-
mentators quote from the Shu (V, xx, 14) only a part of the
account of his functions.

SECT. IV. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 235

9. If any expedition of war were contemplated,
orders were given to the Grand minister of Instruc-
tion to teach the scholars the management of the
chariot and the wearing of the coat of mail.

10. In the case of all who professed any particular
art, respect was had to their strength. If they were
to go to a distant quarter, they had to display their
arms and legs, and their skill in archery and charioteer-
ing was tested. All who professed particular arts
for the service of their superiors, such as prayer-
makers, writers, archers, carriage-drivers, doctors,
diviners, and artizans, — all who professed particular
arts for the service of their superiors, were not
allowed to practise any other thing, or to change
their offices ; and when they left their districts, they
did not take rank with officers. Those who did
service in families (also), when they left their districts,
did not take rank with officers.

11. The minister of Crime adapted the punish-
ments (to the offences for which they were inflicted),
and made the laws clear in order to deal with criminal
charges and litigations. He required the three re-
ferences as to its justice (before the infliction of a
capital punishment)1. If a party had the intention,
but there were not evidence of the deed, the charge
was not listened to. Where a case appeared as
doubtful, it was lightly dealt with ; where it might be
pardoned, it was (still) gravely considered.

12. In all determining on the application of any
of the five punishments2, it was required to decide

1 See the Kzn Li, XXXVII, 45, 46.

2 Branding; cutting off the nose; cutting off the feet; cas-
tration ; death. See vol. iii, p. 40.

236 THE LI Kl. BK. III.

according to the judgment of Heaven. Inadvertent
and redeemable offences were determined by (the cir-
cumstances of) each particular case1.

13. When hearing a case requiring the applica-
tion of any of the five punishments, (the judge) was
required to have respect to the affection between
father and son2, or the righteousness between ruler
and minister3 (which might have been in the mind
of the defendant), to balance his own judgment He
must consider the gravity or lightness (of the offence),
and carefully try to fathom the capacity (of the
offender) as shallow or deep, to determine the exact
character (of his guilt). He must exert his intelli-
gence to the utmost, and give the fullest play to his
generous and loving feeling, to arrive at his final judg-
ment. If the criminal charge appeared to him doubt-
ful, he was to take the multitude into consultation
with him ; and if they also doubted, he was to pardon
the defendant. At the same time he was to examine
analogous cases, great and small, and then give his
decision.

14. The evidence in a criminal case having thus
been all taken and judgment given, the clerk reported
it all to the director (of the district), who heard it
and reported it to the Grand minister of Crime. He
also heard it in the outer court4, and then reported it
to the king, who ordered the three ducal ministers,

1 Vol. iii, pp. 260-263. The compilers in this part evidently
had some parts of the Shu before them.

2 Which might make either party conceal the guilt of the other.
Which might in a similar way affect the evidence.

4 The text says, ' Under the Zizyphus trees.' These were
planted in the outer court of audience, and under them the dif-
ferent ministers of the court had their places.

SECT. IV. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 237

with the minister and director, again to hear it.
When they had (once more) reported it to the king,
he considered it with the three mitigating conditions1,
and then only determined the punishment.

15. In all inflictions of punishments and fines, even
light offenders (that were not doubtful) were not
forgiven. Punishment may be compared to the body.
The body is a complete thing ; when once completed,
there cannot be any subsequent change in it2. Hence
the wise man will do his utmost (in deciding on all
these inflictions).

16. Splitting words so as to break (the force of)
the laws; confounding names so as to change what
had been definitely settled ; practising corrupt ways
so as to throw government into confusion : all guilty
of these things were put to death. Using licentious
music ; strange garments ; wonderful contrivances
and extraordinary implements, thus raising doubts
amone the multitudes : all who used or formed such
things were put to death. Those who were persis-
tent in hypocritical conduct and disputatious in hypo-
critical speeches ; who studied what was wrong, and
went on to do so more and more, and whoever in-
creasingly followed what was wrong so as to bewilder
the multitudes : these were put to death. Those

1 Callery gives for this, 'qui pardonne trois fois.' The con-
ditions were — ignorance, mistake, forget fulness.

2 There is here a play upon the homophonous names of dif-
ferent Chinese characters, often employed, as will be pointed out,
in the Li K\, and in which the scholars of Han set an example to
future times. Callery frames a French example of the reasoning
that results from it: ' Un saint est un ceint; or, la ceinture
signifiant au figure' la continence, il s'ensuit que la vertu de con-
tinence est essentielle a la saintete ! '

2 ;8 THE LI Kl. BK. III.

who gave false reports about (appearances of) spirits,
about seasons and days, about consultings of the
tortoise-shell and stalks, so as to perplex the multi-
tudes : these were put to death. These four classes
were taken off, and no defence listened to.

1 7. All who had charge of the prohibitions for the
regulation of the multitudes1 did not forgive trans-
gressions of them.

Those who had rank-tokens, the long or the
round, and gilt libation-cups were not allowed to sell
them in the market-places ; nor were any allowed
to sell robes or chariots, the gift of the king ; or
vessels of an ancestral temple ; or victims for sacri-
fice ; or instruments of war ; or vessels which were
not according to the prescribed measurements ; or
chariots of war which were not according to
the same; or cloth or silk, fine or coarse, not
according to the prescribed quality, or broader or
narrower than the proper rule ; or of the illegitimate
colours, confusing those that were correct2; or cloth,
embroidered or figured ; or vessels made with
pearls or jade ; or clothes, or food, or drink, (in any
way extravagant) ; or grain which was not in season,
or fruit which was unripe ; or wood which was not
fit for the axe ; or birds, beasts, fishes, or reptiles,
which were not fit to be killed. At the frontier gates,
those in charge of the prohibitions, examined travel-
lers, forbidding such as wore strange clothes, and
taking note of such as spoke a strange language.
1 8. The Grand recorder had the superintendence of

1 These would be, especially, the superintendents of the markets.

2 The five correct colours were— black, carnation, azure, white,
and yellow.

SECT. IV. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 239

ceremonies. He was in charge of the tablets of record,
and brought before the king what (names) were to
be avoided1, and what days were unfavourable (for
the doing of particular affairs)1. The son of Heaven
received his admonitions with reverence2.

19. (The office of) the accountants3 prepared the
complete accounts of the year to be submitted to the
son of Heaven which were reverently received by
the chief minister. The Grand director of Music,
the Grand minister of Crime, and the (chief) superin-
tendent of the markets, these three officers, followed
with the completed accounts of their departments to
be submitted to the son of Heaven. The Grand
minister of Instruction, the Grand minister of War,
and the Grand minister of Works, reverently received
the completed accounts of their several departments
from their various subordinates, and examined them,
then presenting them to the son of Heaven. Those
subordinates then reverently received them after
being so examined and adjudicated on. This being
done, the aged were feasted and the royal sympathy
shown to the husbandmen. The business of the
year was concluded, and the expenditure of the states
was determined.

1 See pages 93, 180, et al.

2 Some of the functions here belonged to the assistant re-
corder, according to the ^au Li, but the two were of the same
department.

8 This office was under the board of the chief minister, and con-
sisted of sixty-two men of different grades under the A"au dynasty
(the .ffau Li, I, 38 ; their duties are described in Book VI). It is
not easy to understand all the text of the rest of the paragraph,
about the final settlement of the accounts of the year.

24O THE Li A'i. BK. III.

Section V.

1. In nourishing the aged, (Shun), the lord of Yii,
used the ceremonies of the drinking entertainment ;
the sovereigns of Hsia, those at entertainments (after)
a reverent sacrifice or offering1 ; the men of Yin,
those of a (substantial) feast ; and the men of ./Tau
cultivated and used all the three.

2. Those of fifty years received their nourishment
in the (schools of the) districts; those of sixty, theirs in
the (smaller school of the) state; and those of seventy,
theirs in the college. This rule extended to the
feudal states. An old man of eighty made his ac-
knowledgment for the ruler's message, by kneeling
once and bringing his head twice to the ground. The
blind did the same. An old man of ninety employed
another to receive (the message and gift for him).

3. For those of fifty the grain was (fine and)
different (from that used by younger men). For
those of sixty, flesh was kept in store. For those of
seventy, there was a second service of savoury meat.
For those of eighty, there was a constant supply
of delicacies. For those of ninety, food and drink
were never out of their chambers. Wherever they
wandered (to another place), it was required that
savoury meat and drink should follow them.

1 The commentators make this to have been a Barmecide
feast, merely to show respect for the age ; and Callery, after them,
gives for the text : ' La dynastie des Hsia faisait servir un repas
qu'on ne mangeait point.' But Ying-ta's authorities adduced to
support this view do not appear to me to bear it out. See the
commencing chapter of Book X, Section ii, where all this about
nourishing the aged is repeated.

SECT. V. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 24 1

4. After sixty, (the coffin and other things for the
mourning rites) were seen to be in readiness, (once)
in the year ; after seventy, once in the season ; after
eighty, once in the month ; and after ninety, every-
day they were kept in good repair. But the band-
ages, sheet, and coverlets and cases (for the corpse)
were prepared after death.

5. At fifty, one begins to decay; at sixty, he does
not feel satisfied unless he eats flesh ; at seventy, he
does not feel warm unless he wears silk ; at eight)',
he does not feel warm unless there be some one (to
sleep) with him ; and at ninety, he does not feel
warm even with that.

6. At fifty, one kept his staff always in his hand in
his family ; at sixty, in his district ; at seventy, in
the city; at eighty, (an officer) did so in the court. If
the son of Heaven wished to put questions to (an
officer) of ninety, he went to his house, and had rich
food carried after him.

7. At seventy, (an officer) did not wait till the
court was over (before he retired) ; at eighty, he
reported every month (to the ruler's messenger) that
he was still alive ; at ninety, he (had delicate food
sent) regularly to him every day.

8. At fifty, a (common) man was not employed in
services requiring strength ; at sixty, he was dis-
charged from bearing arms along with others ; at
seventy, he was exempted from the business of
receiving guests and visitors ; and at eighty, he
was free from the abstinences and other rites of
mourning.

9. When one was fifty, he received the rank (of a

[27] R

242 THE Li kL BK. III.

Great officer)1 ; at sixty, he did not go in person to
the college ; at seventy, he retired from the service of
the government ; and in mourning, he used only the
dress of sackcloth (without adopting the privations
of the mourning rites).

10. (Shun), the lord of Yii, nourished the aged
(who had retired from the service) of the state in
(the school called) the higher hsiang, and the aged
of the common people (and officers who had not
obtained rank) in (the school called) the lower hsiang.
The sovereigns of Hsia nourished the former in (the
school called) the hsii on the east, and the latter in
(that called) the hsti on the west. The men of Yin
nourished the former in the school of the right, and
the latter in that of the left. The men of Aau
entertained the former in (the school called) the
eastern /£iao, and the latter in (what corresponded
to) the hsiang of Yii. This was in the suburb of
the capital on the west2.

n. The lord of Yii wore the hwang cap in sacri-

1 See Book X, Section ii, 1. This was, say the A'/^ien-lung
editors, a lesson against forwardness in seeking office and rank,
as retirement at seventy was a lesson against cleaving to these
too long.

2 It is wearisome to try and thread one's way through the dis-
cussions about the schools, called by all these different names.
One thing is plain, that there were the lower schools which boys
entered when they were eight, and the higher schools into which
they passed from these. But in this paragraph these institutions
are mentioned not in connexion with education, but as they were
made available for the assembling and cherishing of the aged.
They served various purposes. A school-room with us may do
the same, occasionally ; it was the rule in ancient China that the
young should be taught and the old ministered to in the same
buildings.

SECT. v. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 24^

ficing (in the ancestral temple), and the white robes
in nourishing the aged. The sovereigns of Hsia
used the shau cap in sacrificing, and the upper and
lower dark garments of undress in nourishing the
aged. During the Yin, they used the hsii cap in
sacrificing, and the upper and lower garments, both
of white thin silk, in nourishing the aged. During
the A^au dynasty, they used the mien cap in sacrific-
ing, and the dark-coloured upper and lower garments
in nourishing the aged.

1 2. The kings of the three dynasties1, in nourishing
the old, always had the years of those connected
with them brought to their notice. Where (an
officer) was eighty, one of his sons was free from all
duties of government service ; where he was ninety,
all the members of his family were set free from
them. In cases of parties who were disabled or ill,
and where the attendance of others was required to
wait upon them, one man was discharged from those
duties (for the purpose). Parties mourning for their
parents had a discharge for three years. Those
mourning for one year or nine months had a dis-
charge for three months. Where an officer was
about to move to another state, he was discharged
from service for three months beforehand. When
one came from another state, he was not required to
take active service for a round year.

13. One who, while quite young, lost his father
was called an orphan ; an old man who had lost his
sons was called a solitary. An old man who had
lost his wife was called a pitiable (widower) ; an old
woman who had lost her husband was called a poor

1 Hsia, Shang or Yin, and JvAu.
R 2

244 THE L^ K*' BK" nr'

(widow). These four classes were the most forlorn
of Heaven's people, and had none to whom to tell
their wants; they all received regular allowances.

14. The dumb, the deaf, the lame, such as had
lost a member, pigmies, and mechanics, were all fed
according to what work they were able to do.

15. On the roads, men took the right side and
women the left ; carriages kept in the middle. A man
kept behind another who had a father's years ; he
followed one who might be his elder brother more
closely, but still keeping behind, as geese fly after
one another in a row. Friends did not pass by one
another, when going the same way. (In the case of
an old and a young man, carrying burdens,) both were
borne by the younger ; and if the two were too heavy
for one, he took the heavier. A man with grey hair
was not allowed to carry anything, though he might
do it with one hand.

16. An officer of superior rank, of the age of sixty
or seventy, did not walk on foot. A common man,
at that age, did not go without flesh to eat.

1 7. A Great officer, (having land of his own), was
not permitted to borrow the vessels for sacrifice ; nor
to make vessels for his own private use before he
had made those for sacrifice.

18. A space of one 11 square contained fields
amounting to 900 mau1. Ten li square were equal
to 100 spaces of one li square, and contained 90,000
mau. A hundred 11 square were equal to 100 spaces
of ten li square, and contained 9,000,000 mau. A

1 See note as to the size of the mau on page 218.

SECT. v. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 245

thousand li square were equal to ioo spaces of iod
li square, and contained 900,000,000 mau.

19. From mount Hang1 to the southernmost point
of the Ho was hardly 1000 li. From that point to
the ATiang was hardly 1000 li. From the A'iang
to mount Hang in the south was more than 1000
li. From the Ho on the east to the eastern sea was
more than 1000 li. From the Ho on the east to the
same river on the west was hardly 1000 li ; and from
that to the Moving Sands2 was more than 1000 li.
(The kingdom) did not pass the Moving Sands on
the west, nor mount Hang on the south. On the
east it did not pass the eastern sea, nor on the north
did it pass (the other) mount Hang. All within
the four seas, taking the length with the breadth,
made up a space of 3000 li square, and contained
eighty trillions of mau3.

20. A space of 100 li square contained ground to
the amount of 9,000,000 mau. Hills and mounds,
forests and thickets, rivers and marshes, ditches and
canals, city walls and suburbs, houses, roads, and

1 See notes on pages 217, 218. I have said below '(the other)
mount Hang ; ' but the names, or characters for the names, of the
two mountains are different in Chinese.

2 What is now called the desert of Gobi.

3 As it is in the text =80 x 10000 x 1 00000 x 10000 x 1 00000
mau. A translator, if I may speak of others from my own ex-
perience, is much perplexed in following and verifying the calcu-
lations in this and the other paragraphs before and after it. The
ATAien-lung editors and Wang Thao use many pages in pointing
out the errors of earlier commentators, and establishing the cor-
rect results according to their own views, and I have thought
it well to content myself with simply giving a translation of
the text.

046 THE LI kL

BK. III.

lanes took up one third of it, leaving 6,000,000

mau.

21. Anciently, according to the cubit of Aau, eight
cubits formed a pace. Now, according to the same,
six cubits and four inches make a pace. One hundred
ancient mau were equal to 146 of the present day
and thirty paces. One hundred ancient li were equal
to 121 of the present day, sixty paces, four cubits,
two inches and two-tenths.

22. A space of 1000 li square contained 100
spaces of 100 li square each. In this were constituted
thirty states of 100 li square, leaving what would
have been enough for other seventy of the same
size. There were also constituted sixty states of 70
li square, twenty-nine of 100 li square, and forty
spaces of 10 li square ; leaving enough for forty
states of 100 li square, and sixty spaces of 10 li
square. There were also constituted a hundred and
twenty states of 50 li square, and thirty of 100 li
square, leaving enough for ten of the same size, and
sixty spaces of 10 li square.

The famous hills and great meres were not included
in the fiefs ; and what remained was assigned for
attached territories and unoccupied lands. Those
unappropriated lands were taken to reward any of
the princes of acknowledged merit, and what was
cut off from some others (because of their demerit)
became unappropriated land.

23. The territory of the son of Heaven, amount-
ing to 1000 li square, contained 100 spaces of 100 li
square each. There were constituted nine appanages
of 100 li square, leaving ninety-one spaces of the
same size. There were also constituted twenty-one

3Ei r. v. THE ROYAL REGULATIONS. 2^7

appanages of 70 li square, ten of 100 li, and twenty-
nine spaces of 10 li square; leaving enough for
eighty of 100 li square, and seventy-one of 10 li.
There were further constituted sixty-three appanages
of 50 li square, fifteen of 100 li, and seventy-five
spaces of 10 li, while there still remained enough for
sixty-four appanages of 100 li square, and ninety-six
spaces of 10 li each.

24. The officers of the lowest grade in the feudal
states received salary sufficient to feed nine indivi-
duals ; those of the second grade, enough to feed
eighteen ; and those of the highest, enough for
thirty-six. A Great officer could feed 72 individuals ;
a minister, 288 ; and the ruler, 2880.

In a state of the second class, a minister could feed
216 ; and the ruler, 2160.

A minister of a small state could feed 144 indivi-
duals ; and the ruler, 1440.

In a state of the second class, the minister
who was appointed by its ruler received the same
emolument as the minister of a small state.

25. The Great officers of the son of Heaven acted
as ' the three inspectors.' When they were inspect-
ing a state, their salary was equal to one of its minis-
ters, and their rank was that of a ruler of a state of
the second class. Their salaries were derived from
the territories under the chiefs of regions1.

26. The chiefs of regions, on occasion of their ap-
pearing at the court of the son of Heaven, had cities
assigned them for purification2 within his domain like
those of his officers of the chief grade.

1 See page 212, paragraph 2, and note 1, page 213.

2 The text says, ' Cities for bathing and washing the hair ; '

>48 THE LI A'l.

BK. III.

2 7. The (appointed) heir-sons1 of the feudal princes
inherited their states. Great officers (in the royal
domain) did not inherit their rank. They were em-
ployed as their ability and character were recognised,
and received rank as their merit was proved. Till
their rank was conferred (by the king), (the princes)
were in the position of his officers of the chief
grade, and so they ruled their states. The Great
officers of the states did not inherit their rank and
emoluments.

28. The six ceremonial observances were : — cap-
ping; marrying; mourning rites; sacrifices; feasts;
and interviews. The seven lessons (of morality)
were : — (the duties between) father and son ; elder
brother and younger ; husband and wife ; ruler and
minister ; old and young ; friend and friend ; host
and guest. The eight objects of government
were : — food and drink ; clothes ; business (or, the
profession) ; maintenance of distinctions ; measures
of length ; measures of capacity ; and definitely as-
signed rules2.

but preparing by menta-1 exercises for appearing before the king
is also intimated by the phrase.

1 A son, generally the eldest son by the wife proper, had to be
recognised by the king before he could be sure of succeeding to
his father.

2 See page 230, paragraph 1.

BOOK IV. THE YUEH LING

PROCEEDINGS OF GOVERNMENT IN THE
DIFFERENT MONTHS.

Section I. Part I.

i. In the first month of spring the sun is in Shih,
the star culminating at dusk being 3nan> and that
culminating at dawn Wei1.

2. Its days are /'ia and yl2.

1 In this month the conjunction of the sun and moon took
place in Shih or a Markab Pegasi. 3nan is a constellation
embracing Betelguese, Bellatrix, Rigel, y, 8, e, (, rj, of Orion ; and
Wei is e, n, of Scorpio. Shih is called in the text Ying Shih,
' the Building Shih,' because this month was the proper time at
which to commence building.

2 A'ia and yi are the first two of the ' ten heavenly stems,'
which are combined with the ' twelve earthly branches,' to form
the sixty binomial terms of ' the cycle of sixty,' that was devised
in a remote antiquity for the registration of successive days, and
was subsequently used also in the registration of successive years.
The origin of the cycle and of the names of its terms is thus far
shrouded in mystery; and also the application of those terms to
the various purposes of divination. The five pairs of the stems
correspond, in the jargon of mysterious speculation, to the five
elements of wood, fire, earth, metal, and water, and, as will be
seen in this Book, to the seasons of spring, summer, the inter-
mediate centre, autumn, and winter. Whether there be anything
more in this short notice than a declaration of this fact, or any
indication of the suitableness of ' the days ' for certain ' under-
takings' in them, as even the -Oien-lung editors seem to think,
1 cannot say.

25O THE LI Kl. BK. IV.

3. Its divine ruler is Thai Hao, and the (attend-
ing) spirit is Kau-mang1.

4. Its creatures are the scaly2.

5. Its musical note is K\o, and its pitch-tube is the
Thai 3hau3.

6. Its number is eight4; its taste is sour; its smell
is rank.

1 Thai Hao, 'the Grandly Bright/ is what is called 'the
dynastic designation' of Fu-hsi and his line. By the time
that the observances described in this Book had come into use,
Fu-hsi and other early personages had been deified (*rjii), and
were supposed to preside over the seasons of the year. To him
as the earliest of them was assigned the presidency of the spring,
and the element of wood, the phenomena of vegetation being
then most striking. He was the ' divine ruler ' of the spring, and
sacrificed to in its months; and at the sacrifices there was asso-
ciated with him, as assessor, an inferior personage called Kau-
mang (literally, ' curling fronds and spikelets '), said to have been
a son of Shao Hao, another mythical sovereign, founder of the
line of Am Thien (^ -^ j^). But Shao Hao was sepa-
rated from Thai Hao by more than 1000 years. The association
at these sacrifices in the spring months of two personages so
distant in time from each other as Fu-hsi and Kau-mang, shows
how slowly and irregularly the process of deification and these
sacrifices had grown up.

2 The character for which I have given ' creatures ' is often
translated by 'insects;' but fishes, having scales, must form a
large portion of what are here intended. 'The seven (zodiacal) con-
stellations of the east,' says Wu AMng, ' make up the Azure
Dragon, and hence all moving creatures that have scales belong
to (the element of) wood.'

3 A'io is the name of the third of the five musical notes of the
Chinese scale, corresponding to our B (?); and Thai 3hau is the
name of one of the twelve tubes by which, from a very early date,
music was regulated. The Thai 3hau, or ' Great Pipe,' was the
second of the tubes that give the ' six upper musical accords.'

4 The ' number ' of wood is three, which added to five, the

sect. I. pt. I. THE YUEH LING. 251

7. Its sacrifice is that at the door1, and of the parts
of the victim the spleen has the foremost place1.

8. The east winds resolve the cold. Creatures
that have been torpid during the winter begin to
move. The fishes rise up to the ice. Otters sacri-
fice fish. The wild geese make their appearance2.

9. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on
the left of the Kk'mg Yang (Fane) ; rides in the carriage
with the phoenix (bells), drawn by the azure-dragon
(horses), and carrying the green flag ; wears the green

'number' of earth, gives eight, the 'number' of the months of
spring ; but this, to me at least, is only a jargon.

1 This was one of the sacrifices of the house ; see paragraph 6,
page 116, and especially the seventh paragraph of Book XX. As
the door is the place of exodus, it was the proper place for this
sacrifice in the spring, when all the energies of nature begin to
be displayed afresh. Among the five viscera, — the heart, the liver,
the spleen, the lungs, and the kidneys,— the spleen corresponds to the
element of earth, and therefore it was made prominent in this
service, in the season when the earth seems to open its womb
beneath the growing warmth of the year.

2 These are all phenomena of the spring. The third of them is
differently expressed in Hwai-nan %ze, the Taoist grandson of the
founder of the Han dynasty (see Book V of his works), and in the
Hsia Hsiao ^"ang, showing that this text of the Li AT was taken
from Lii Pu-wei, if the whole Book were not written by him.
They read ^& [Si/ff ^| J^, which Professor Douglas renders,
' Fish mount (to the surface of) the water, bearing on their backs
pieces of ice.' But the meaning of the longer text is simply what
I have given. Ying-ta says, ' Fishes, during the intense cold of
winter, lie close at the bottom of the water, attracted by the greater
warmth of the earth ; but, when the sun's influence is felt, they rise
and swim near to the ice.' ^ fifC = ' with their backs near to the
ice.' What is said about the otter is simply a superstitious mis-
interpretation of its habit of eating only a small part of its prey, and
leaving the rest on the bank. The geese come from the south on
the way to their quarters during the warmer season in the north.

252

THE LI A't.

BK. IV.

robes, and the (pieces of) green jade (on his cap and
at his girdle pendant). He eats wheat and mutton.
The vessels which he uses are slightly carved, (to re-
semble) the shooting forth (of plants)1.

1 The Khmg Yang (' Green and Bright ') was one of the principal
divisions in the Hall of Distinction of Book XII. We must
suppose that the sovereign went there (among other purposes) to
give out the first day of the month, and did so in the apartment
indicated, and in the style and robes and ornaments of the text,
in the first month of spring. The ancient Shun, it is said, set the
example of the carriage with bells, whose tinkling was supposed
to resemble the notes of the lwan, a bird at which we can only
guess, and which has been called the phoenix, and the argus
pheasant. Horses above eight feet high were called dragon
steeds. The predominating green colour suits the season and
month ; but what made wheat and mutton then peculiarly suitable
for the royal mat, I do not know the fancies of Taoism sufficiently
to be able to understand.

In the plates to the A'^ien-lung edition of our classic, the follow-
ing rude ground-plan of the structure is given to illustrate the
various references to it in this Book : —

\o Tnuoiumor

3
o

i— ^

•xnuounrjii

•qjuoui q}zi .

a
o

8th month.

SEASON OF
THE CENTRE.

■4-»

a
o

<-f

cr 6th month.

5th month.

4th month, re

/ \

sect. i. pt. i. THE YUEH LING. 25,

10. In this month there takes place the inaugura-
tion of spring. Three days before this ceremony, the
Grand recorder informs the son of Heaven, saying,
' On such and such a day is the inauguration of the
spring. The energies of the season are fully seen in
wood.' On this the son of Heaven devotes himself to
self-purification, and on the day he leads in person
the three ducal ministers, his nine high ministers,
the feudal princes (who are at court), and his Great
officers, to meet the spring in the eastern suburb1;

The building is made to consist of nine large apartments or halls ;
three fronting the different points of the compass, and one in the
centre ; making nine in all. That in the centre was called ' The
Grand Apartment of the Grand Fane ; ' south from it was ' The
Ming Thang Grand Fane ; ' on the east ' The JOing Yang Grand
Fane;' on the west 'The 3ung Yang Grand Fane;' and on the
north ' The Hsiian Thang Grand Fane.'

In the second month of the seasons, the king went the round of
the Grand Fanes. The four corner apartments were divided into
two each, each one being named from the Grand Fane on the left
or right of which it was. Commencing with the half on the left of
the K/nng Yang Fane, the king made the circuit of all the others
and of the Fanes, returning to the other half on the right of the
Hsiian Thang Fane in the twelfth month. The Grand Apartment
in the centre was devoted to the imaginary season of the centre,
between the sixth and seventh months, or the end of summer and

beginning of autumn.

1 We are not told what the ceremonies in the inauguration of
the spring were. The phrase li k/iun (jj£ ^f;) is the name of
the first of the twenty-four terms into which the Chinese year is
divided, dating now from the sun's being in the fifteenth degree of
Aquarius. Kang Hsiian thought that the meeting of the spring
in the eastern suburb was by a sacrifice to the first of ' the five
planetary gods,' corresponding to Jupiter, 'the Azure Ti, called
Ling-wei-jang ' (p|k J§£ fjjj)" But where he found that name,
and what is its significance, is a mystery; and the whole doctrine

254

THE LI in. BK. iv.

and on their return, he rewards them all in the
court1.

ii. He charges his assistants2 to disseminate
(lessons of) virtue, and harmonise the governmental
orders, to give effect to the expressions of his satis-
faction and bestow his favours ; down to the millions
of the people. Those expressions and gifts there-
upon proceed, every one in proper (degree and
direction).

12. He also orders the Grand recorder to guard
the statutes and maintain the laws, and (especially)
to observe the motions in the heavens of the sun and
moon, and of the zodiacal stars in which the conjunc-
tions of these bodies take place, so that there should
be no error as to where they rest and what they pass
over ; that there should be no failure in the record of
all these things, according to the regular practice
of early times.

13. In this month the son of Heaven on the first
(hsin)3 day prays to God for a good year; and
afterwards, the day of the first conjunction of the
sun and moon having been chosen, with the handle
and share of the plough in the carriage, placed be-
tween the man-at-arms who is its third occupant and
the driver, he conducts his three ducal ministers, his
nine high ministers, the feudal princes and his Great
officers, all with their own hands to plough the field of

of five planetary Tis is held to be heresy, and certainly does not
come from the five King.

1 This rewarding, it is understood, was that mentioned in para-
graph 15, p. 217.

2 These assistants are supposed to be the ' three ducal ministers.'

3 This took and takes place on the first hsin (^) day, the first
day commencing with that character, the eighth of the ' stems.'

SECT. I. PT. I. THE YUEII LING. 255

God. The son of Heaven turns up three furrows, each
of the ducal ministers five, and the other ministers and
feudal princes nine1. When they return, he takes in
his hand a cup in the great chamber, all the others
being in attendance on him and the Great officers,
and says, 'Drink this cup of comfort after your toil.'

14. In this month the vapours of heaven descend
and those of the earth ascend. Heaven and earth are
in harmonious co-operation. All plants bud and grow.

1 k. The king gives orders to set forward the busi-
ness of husbandry. The inspectors of the fields are
ordered to reside in the lands having an eastward
exposure, and (see that) all repair the marches and
divisions (of the ground), and mark out clearly the
paths and ditches. They must skilfully survey the
mounds and rising grounds, the slopes and defiles, the
plains and marshes, determining what the different
lands are suitable for, and where the different grains
will grow best. They must thus instruct and lead on
the people, themselves also engaging in the tasks.
The business of the fields being thus ordered, the
guiding line is first put in requisition, and the hus-
bandry is carried on without error2.

16. In this month orders are given to the chief
director of Music to enter the college, and practise the
dances (with his pupils)3.

1 The services described here are still performed, in substance,
by the emperors of China and their representatives throughout the
provinces. The field is generally called ' the imperial field,' through
error. The grain produced by it was employed in the sacrifices
or religious services of which God (Shang Ti) was the object, and
hence arose the denomination.

2 Compare vol. iii, pp. 320-322, 370-373.

3 'The chief director of Music' would be the same as the T.i

2r6 THE LI Kl. BK. IV.

1 7. The canons of sacrifice are examined and set
forth, and orders are given to sacrifice to the hills
and forests, the streams and meres, care being taken
not to use any female victims1.

1 8. Prohibitions are issued against cutting down
trees.

19. Nests should not be thrown down ; unformed
insects should not be killed, nor creatures in the
womb, nor very young creatures, nor birds just
taking to the wing, nor fawns, nor should eggs be
destroyed.

20. No congregating of multitudes should be
allowed, and no setting about the rearing of fortifi-
cations and walls2.

2 1 . Skeletons should be covered up, and bones with
the flesh attached to them buried.

22. In this month no warlike operations should be
undertaken ; the undertaking of such is sure to be
followed by calamities from Heaven. The not under-
taking warlike operations means that they should not
commence on our side3.

Sze Yo of the A"au Li, Book XXII. There were dances of war
(wan), and dances of peace (wan); but neither is in the text.
But either term may include both classes of dancing. Callery
translates by ' faire des Evolutions.'

1 Not to destroy the life unborn. At ' the great sacrifices,' those
to Heaven and Earth, and in the ancestral temple, only male
victims were used, females being deemed ' unclean.' The host of
minor sacrifices is intended here.

2 Such operations would interfere with the labours of husbandry.

3 War is specially out of time in the genial season of spring ;
but a state, when attacked, must, and might, defend itself even
then.

SECT. I. PT. II. THE YtlEH LING. 257

23. No change in the ways of heaven is allowed ;
nor any extinction of the principles of earth ; nor any
confounding of the bonds of men1.

24. If in the first month of spring the govern-
mental proceedings proper to summer were carried
out, the rain would fall unseasonably, plants and trees
would decay prematurely, and the states would be
kept in continual fear. If the proceedings proper to
autumn were carried out, there would be great pesti-
lence among the people ; boisterous winds would
work their violence ; rain would descend in torrents i
orach, fescue, darnel, and southernwood would grow
up together. If the proceedings proper to winter
were carried out, pools of water would produce their
destructive effects, snow and frost would prove very
injurious, and the first sown seeds would not enter
the ground2.

Part II.

1. In the second month of spring, the sun is in
Khwei, the star culminating at dusk being Hu, and
that culminating at dawn Aien-hsing3.

2. Its days are /6ia and yi. Its divine ruler is
Thai Hao, the attending spirit is Kau-mang. Its

1 Compare what is said in the fifth Appendix to the Yi King,
paragraph 4 (vol. xvi, pp. 423, 424). The next paragraph is the
sequel of this.

2 Such government would be comparable to the inversion of
the seasons in the course of nature. Compare Proverbs xxvi. 1.

The constellation Khwei contains 0 (Mirac), 8, c, £, //, v, n of
Andromeda, and some stars of Pisces. Hu or Hu K'\X\ contains
8, e, rj, k, of Canis Major; and 8, a>, of Argo ; and ^Tien-h sing
v, tj, tv, p, a-, of Sagittarius' head.

[27] s

258 THE LI Ki.

BK. IV.

creatures are the scaly. Its musical note is A^io, and
its pitch-tube is the K\& Kung1.

3. Its number is eight ; its taste is sour ; its smell
is rank. Its sacrifice is that at the door, and of the
parts of the victim the spleen has the foremost
place.

4. The rain begins to fall2. The peach tree begins
to blossom. The oriole sings. Hawks are trans-
formed into doves3.

5. The son of Heaven occupies the Kh'mg Yang
Grand Fane4; rides in the carriage with the phoenix
bells, drawn by the azure dragon-(horses), and bear-
ing the green flag. He is dressed in the green
robes, and wears the azure gems. He eats wheat

1 ^Tia Kuwg, 'the double tube,' is the second tube of the six
lower accords.

2 Literally, ' There commence the rains.' ' The rains ' is now
the name of the second of the twenty- four terms (February 15 to
March 4).

3 This is the converse of the phenomenon in page 277, para-
graph 3. Both are absurd, but the natural rendering in the
translation is the view of Kang, Ying-ta, Kao Yu (the glossarist
of Hwai-nan 3ze), and the i$7/ien-lung editors. Seeking for the
actual phenomenon which gave rise to the superstitious fancy,
Professor Douglas renders the corresponding sentence of the Hsia
A!ang by ' hawks become crested hawks,' and thinks that the
notice is based on the appearance of the hawks when ' the rearing
instinct becomes excessive, and birds of prey become excited.'
It may be so, but this meaning cannot be brought out of the text,
and should not be presented as that of the writer of the Book.

4 See the note on p. 252. The three apartments (two of them
subdivided) on the east of the Hall of Distinction, all received the
general designation of K/iing Yang, 'the Green and Bright,' as
characteristic of the season of Spring. It was now the second
month of that season, and the king takes his place in the principal
or central apartment, ' the Grand Fane.'

sect. I. pt. ir. THE YIEII LING. 259

and mutton. The vessels which he uses are slightly
carved, (to resemble) the bursting forth (of nature).

6. In this month, they keep both the young buds
and those more advanced from being disturbed ; they
nourish both the young animals and those not fully
grown ; they especially watch over all orphans.

7. The fortunate day is chosen, and orders are
given to the people to sacrifice at their altars to the
spirits of the ground1.

8. Orders are given to the (proper) officers to
examine the prisons; to remove fetters and hand-
cuffs ; that there shall be no unregulated infliction of
the bastinado; and that efforts shall be made to
stop criminal actions and litigations.

9. In this month the swallow makes its appear-
ance2. On the day of its arrival, the son of Heaven
sacrifices to the first match-maker with a bull, a ram,
and a boar. He goes to do so in person, with his
queen and help-mates, attended by his nine ladies of
honour. Peculiar courtesy is shown to those whom
he has (lately) approached. Bow-cases have been
brought, and a bow and arrows are given to each
before (the altar of) the first match-maker.

10. In this month day and night are equal3.
Thunder utters its voice, and the lightning begins

1 The sacrifice here was not that to Earth, which it was com-
petent to the king alone to offer ; nor to the spirits of the territories
of the different states. It was offered by the people generally to
the spirits presiding over their fields.

2 The swallow is ' the dark-coloured bird,' of the third sacrificial
ode of the Shang dynasty; see vol. iii, p. 307.

3 The vernal equinox.

S 2

260 THE Li KI.

BK. IV.

to be seen. Insects in their burrows are all in
motion, opening their doors and beginning to come
forth.

1 1. Three days before the thunder1, a bell with a
wooden tongue is sounded, to give notice to all the
people. ' The thunder,' it is said, ' is about to utter
its voice. If any of you be not careful of your be-
haviour, you shall bring forth children incomplete ;
there are sure to be evils and calamities.'

12. At the equinox they make uniform the mea-
sures of length and capacity ; the weight of 30
catties, the steelyard, and the weight of 1 20 catties.
They correct the peck and bushel, the steelyard
weights and the bushel-scraper2.

13. In this month few of the husbandmen remain
in their houses in the towns. They repair, however,
their gates and doors, both of wood and wattles ; and
put their sleeping apartments and temples all in good
repair. No great labours, which would interfere with
the work of husbandry, should be undertaken3.

14. In this month (the fishermen) should not let
the streams and meres run dry, nor drain off all the
water from the dams and ponds, (in order to catch
all the fish), nor should (the hunters) fire the hills and
forests.

1 We are not told how they knew this third day.

2 A catty (/Hn) at present = i^lb. avoirdupois. The £Mn,
or 30 catties, = 4olbs. av. ; and the shih, or 120 catties, = 160 lbs.
av. ; see Williams' Commercial Guide, pp. 278-231. The tau (or
peck, in use in the market) contains 10 catties of dry, cleaned rice,
and measures 316 cubic jhun, or inches; and the hu, or bushel,
= 5 tau. The bushel-scraper is a piece of wood or roller used to
level the top of the hu. But see Williams, pp. 281, 282.

3 Compare vol. iii, pp. 368-373.

SECT. I. PT. II. THE YUEH LING. 261

15. The son of Heaven at this time offers a lamb
(to the ruler of cold), and opens the (reservoirs of)
ice. Before (using it generally), they offer some in
their principal apartment or in the ancestral temple1.

16. On the first ting day2 orders are given to the
chief director of Music to exhibit the civil dances and
unfold the offerings of vegetables 3 (to the inventor
of music). The son of Heaven, at the head of the
three ducal ministers, his nine high ministers, the
feudal princes (at court), and his Great officers, goes
in person to see the ceremony. On the second ting2
day orders are given again to the same chief to enter
the college, and practise music (with his pupils).

17. In this month at the (smaller) services of
supplication4 they do not use victims. They use
offerings of jade, square and round, and instead (of
victims) skins and pieces of silk.

18. If in this second month of spring the govern-
mental proceedings proper to autumn were observed,

1 Compare vol. iii, page 445. Where there was an ancestral
temple, the ice would be presented there. The people who had
no such temple might present it before the spirit-tablets of their
deceased in their principal apartment, where these were set up.

2 The fourth and fourteenth cycle days.

3 The offerings were small and scanty in this month, fruits not
yet being ready for such a use. Cress and tussel-pondweed are
mentioned among the vegetables which were presented on this
occasion.

4 The received text here means not ' services of supplication,'
but sacrifices. That which I have adopted is found in 3hai Yung,
and is approved by the jOien-lung editors. It is a necessary
alteration, for in paragraphs 9 and 15 we have instances of victims
used this month at sacrifices. The change in the text is not great
in Chinese, the character nffj* for jjf[

262 THE LI k\. bk. iv

there would be great floods in the states ; cold airs
would be constantly coming ; and plundering attacks
would be frequent. I f those of winter were observed,
the warm and genial airs would be insufficient ; the
wheat would not ripen; and raids and strifes would
be rife among the people. If those of summer were
observed, there would be great droughts among the
people ; the hot airs would come too early ; and cater-
pillars and other insects would harm the grain1.

Part III.

i. In the last month of spring, the sun is in Wei,
the constellation culminating at dusk being Kh'ih.-
hsing, and that culminating at dawn AV/ien-niu2.

2. Its days are /£ia and yi. Its divine ruler is
Thai Hao, and the attending spirit is Kau-mang.
Its creatures are the scaly. Its musical note is
the K\o, and its pitch-tube is the Ku Hsien3. Its
number is eight. Its taste is sour. Its smell is
rank.

3. Its sacrifice is that at the door, and of the parts
of the victim the spleen has the foremost place.

1 Before this and the corresponding paragraphs in the Parts of
the Book that follow, we must always understand paragraph 23 of
the last Part, of which these concluding paragraphs are supposed
to be the natural sequence.

2 Wei is the seventeenth of the twenty-eight Chinese constel-
lations (longitude in 1800, 440 8' 17") corresponding to Musca
borealis. A7nh-hsing is understood to be a (Alphard) of Hydra,
and small stars near it. AV/ien-niu corresponds to certain stars
(f, fi, v) in the neck of Aquila.

3 Ku Hsien, 'the lady bathes,' is the third of the tubes that
give the six upper musical accords.

SECT. I. PT. ill. THE YUEH LING. 26;

4. The Elaeococca begins to flower1. Moles are
transformed into quails2. Rainbows begin to appear.
Duckweed begins to grow.

5. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on
the right of the AVnng Yang (Fane) ; rides in the
carriage with the phoenix bells, drawn by the azure
dragon-(horses), and bearing the green flag. He is
dressed in the green robes, and wears the azure gems.
He eats wheat and mutton. The vessels which he
uses are slightly carved, (to resemble) the bursting
forth (of nature).

6. In this month the son of Heaven presents
robes yellow as the young leaves of the mulberry
tree to the ancient divine ruler (and his queen)3.

7. Orders are given to the officer in charge of the
boats to turn a boat bottom up. Five times he does
so, and five times he turns it back again, after which
he reports that it is ready for the son of Heaven, who

1 This would probably be the Elaeococca vernicia, or Aleu-
rites cordata.

2 This statement, perhaps, arose from seeing quails running
about among the mole-hills. The .Oien-lung editors say that the
quails fly at night, and in the day keep hidden among the grass ;
but they seem to admit the transformation. Professor Douglas
explains the error from a want of recognition of the migration of
quails.

3 Gallery translates this by : — ' L'empereur offre de la belle
jaune de ceVe"ales (aux empereurs anciens et modernes qui l'ont
prdce'de')/ following a different reading for the article offered. The
general view is what I have followed. The offering is supposed to
have been in connexion with a sacrifice preparatory to the silkworm
season. The rearing of silkworms was due, it was supposed, to
Hsi-ling, the wife of the Yellow Ti. He is the ' Ancient Ti ' intended
here, I suppose. The name is not to be taken as in the plural.
See the Khang-hsi dictionary on the character khii (^)).

264 THE LI kL

BK. IV.

then gets into it for the first time (this spring). He
offers a snouted sturgeon (which he has caught) in
the rear apartment of the ancestral temple, and also
prays that the wheat may yield its produce1.

8. In this month the influences of life and growth
are fully developed ; and the warm and genial airs
diffuse themselves. The crooked shoots are all put
forth, and the buds are unfolded. Things do not
admit of being restrained.

9. The son of Heaven spreads his goodness abroad,
and carries out his kindly promptings. He gives
orders to the proper officers to distribute from his
granaries and vaults, giving their contents to the poor
and friendless, and to relieve the needy and destitute ;
and to open his treasuries and storehouses, and to
send abroad through all the nation the silks and
other articles for presents, thus stimulating the princes
of states to encourage the resort to them of famous
scholars and show courtesy to men of ability and
virtue.

10. In this month, he charges the superintendents
of works, saying, ' The rains of the season will be
coming- down, and the waters beneath will be swell-
ing up. Go in order over the states and visit the towns,
inspecting everywhere the low and level grounds.
Put the dykes and dams in good repair, clear the
ditches and larger channels, and open all paths,
allowing no obstruction to exist.'

1 The five times repeated inspection of the boat does seem
rather ridiculous. We must regard the king's taking to the boat
as an encouragement to the fishermen, as his ploughing was to the
husbandmen. The long-snouted sturgeon has always been called
' the royal sturgeon.' How the praying for a good wheat harvest
seems to be connected with this ceremony I do not know.

SECT. I. PT. in. THE YUEH LING. 265

11. The nets used in hunting animals and birds,
hand nets, archers' disguises, and injurious baits
should not (in this month) issue from (any of) the
nine gates1.

12. In this month orders are given to the foresters
throughout the country not to allow the cutting down
of the mulberry trees and silk-worm oaks. About
these the cooing doves clap their wings, and the crested
birds light on them2. The trays and baskets with the
stands (for the worms and cocoons) are got ready.
The queen, after vigil and fasting, goes in person to
the eastern fields to work on the mulberry trees.
She orders the wives and younger women (of the
palace) not to wear their ornamental dresses, and to
suspend their woman's-work, thus stimulating them to
attend to their business with the worms. When this
has been completed, she apportions the cocoons,
weighs out (afterwards) the silk, on which they go to
work, to supply the robes for the solstitial and other
great religious services, and for use in the ancestral
temple. Not one is allowed to be idle.

13. In this month orders are given to the chiefs of
works, to charge the workmen of their various depart-
ments to inspect the materials in the five store-
houses : — those of iron and other metals ; of skins

1 ' On each side of the wall of the royal city/ says Lu Tien
(early in the Sung dynasty), ' there were three gates.' Wu Khaxig
says, ' The three gates on the south were the chief gates.
Generally, such things as are mentioned here might issue from the
other gates, but not from these ; but in this month they could not
issue from any of the nine.' Other explanations of 'the nine
gates' have been attempted. The 'baits' (or medicines) were
used to attract and to stupefy.

2 Perhaps the hoopoe.

;66 THE LI K\.

BK. IV.

and hides and sinews ; of horn and ivory ; of feathers,
arrows and wood (for bows) ; and of grease, glue,
cinnabar, and varnish. (They are to see) that all these
thines be eood. - The workmen then labour at their
several tasks. (The chiefs) inspect their work, and
daily give them their orders. They must not produce
anything contrary to what the time requires ; nor
can they practise a licentious ingenuity, which would
dissipate the minds of their superiors.

14. In the end of this month a fortunate day is
chosen for a grand concert of music. The son of
Heaven, at the head of the three ducal ministers, the
nine high ministers, the feudal princes (at court), and
his great officers, goes in person to witness it.

15. In this month they collect the large, heavy
bulls, and fiery stallions, and send them forth to the
females in the pasture grounds. They number and
make a list of the animals fit for victims, with the
foals and calves.

16. Orders are given for the ceremonies against
pestilence throughout the city ; at the nine gates
(also) animals are torn in pieces in deprecation (of
the danger) : — to secure the full development of the
(healthy) airs of the spring1.

17. If, in this last month of spring, the governmental

1 Compare Analects X, 10, 2. The ceremonies there referred
to were the same as those here, carried out in the villages and,
indeed, throughout the land. Diseases prevailing were attributed
by superstition to the action of evil spirits, and ridiculous measures
adopted to drive them away. Confucius and others, even the
government itself, gave countenance to these, seeing, perhaps, that
in connexion with them the natural causes of disease would be in
a measure dispelled.

SECT. I. PT. ill. THE YUEH LING. 267

proceedings proper to winter were observed, cold airs
would constantly be prevailing ; all plants and trees
would decay ; and in the states there would be great
terrors. If those proper to summer were observed,
many of the people would suffer from pestilential
diseases; the seasonable rains would not fall; and no
produce would be derived from the mountains and
heights. If those proper to autumn were observed,
the sky would be full of moisture and gloom ; exces-
sive rains would fall early ; and warlike movements
would be everywhere arising.

268 THE Lt kL BK. IV.

Section II. Part I.

1. In the first month of summer, the sun is in Pi ;
the constellation culminating at dusk being Yi, and
that culminating at dawn Wu-nu1.

2. Its days are ping and ting2.

3. Its divine ruler is Yen Ti, and the (attending)
spirit is A'u-yung3.

4. Its creatures are the feathered.

5. Its musical note is Kih, and its pitch-tube is the
Kung Lii4.

6. Its number is seven5. Its taste is acrid. Its
smell is that of things burning.

1 Pi is the name for the Hyades, or, more exactly, of six stars
in Hyades, with /1 and v of Taurus ; it is the nineteenth of the
Chinese constellations. Yi is crater. Wu-nu is not so well
identified. Williams says that it is ' a star near the middle of
Capricorn,' but others say in Hercules. The R Ya makes it the
same as Hsu-nii (^j| ^). Probably it was a star in the con-
stellation Nu of Aquarius.

2 The third and fourth stem characters of the cycle.

3 Yen Ti ('the blazing Ti') is the dynastic designation of Shan
Nang, generally placed next to Fu-hsi in Chinese chronology, and
whose date cannot be assigned later than the thirty-first century
B.C. .fifu-yung in one account is placed before Fu-hsi; in a
second, as one of the ministers of Hwang Ti ; and in a third, as a
son of .Owan-hsii (b.c. 2510-2433). He was 'the Director of
Fire,' and had the presidency of summer.

4 Kih. is the fourth of the notes of the Chinese scale, and
Js'ung Lu (' the middle Spine') the third of the tubes that give the
six lower accords.

5 The number of fire is 2, which + 5, that of earth, = 7.

SECT. II. PT. I. THE YUEII LING. 269

7. Its sacrifice is that at the furnace1 ; and of
the parts of the victim the lungs have the foremost
place.

8. The green frogs croak. Earth-worms come
forth. The royal melons grow2. The sow-thistle
is in seed.

9. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on
the left of the Ming Thang (Grand Fane) ; rides in the
vermilion carriage, drawn by the red horses with
black tails, and bearing the red flag. He is dressed
in the red robes, and wears the carnation jade. He
eats beans and fowls. The vessels which he uses
are tall, (to resemble) the large growth (of things).

10. In this month there takes place the inaugura-
tion of summer. Three days before this ceremony,
the Grand recorder informs the son of Heaven, say-
ing, ' On such-and-such a day is the inauguration of
summer. The energies of the season are most fully
seen in fire.' On this the son of Heaven devotes
himself to self-purification ; and on the day, at the
head of the three ducal ministers, the nine high
ministers, and his Great officers, he proceeds to meet
the summer in the southern suburbs. On their re-
turn, rewards are distributed. He grants to the
feudal princes (an increase of) territory. Congra-
tulations and gifts proceed, and all are joyful and
pleased.

11. Orders are also given to the chief master of

1 It was natural that they should sacrifice here in the summer.
« The lungs' is the fourth of the five viscera, and ' metal' the fourth
of the five elements ; but ' fire subdues metal.' This is supposed
to account for the prominence given to the lungs in this sacrifice.

2 According to Williams this is the ' common cucumber.'

27O THE Li KI.

BK. IV.

music to teach the practice of ceremonies and music
together.

12. Orders are given to the Grand Peace-main-
tainer1 to recommend men of eminence, allow the
worthy and good to have free course and bring for-
ward the tall and large. His conferring of rank and
regulation of emolument must be in accordance with
the position (of the individual).

13. In this month what is long should be encou-
raged to grow longer, and what is high to grow higher.
There should be no injuring or overthrowing of any-
thing ; no commencing of works in earth ; no sending
forth of great multitudes (on expeditions); no cutting
down of large trees.

14. In this month the son of Heaven begins to
wear thin dolichos cloth.

15. Orders are given to the foresters throughout
the country to go forth over the fields and plains,
and, for the son of Heaven, to encourage the hus-
bandmen, and stimulate them to work, and not let
the season slip by unimproved.

Orders are (also) given to the minister of Instruc-
tion to travel in order through the districts to the
borders, "charging the husbandmen to work vigorously,
and not to rest in the towns.

16. In this month they chase away wild animals
to prevent them from doing harm to any of the

1 The ' Grand Peace-maintainer ' (y\^ Jj^J ) was a title under
the K/i'm dynasty, and instituted by it, of the Minister of War.
The functions of the latter, as described in the last Book, page 234,
are in harmony with what is said here. The occurrence of the
name bears out the attributing of this Book to Lu Pu-wei.

SECT. II. PT. I. THE YUEII LING. 271

(growing) grain ; but they should not have a great
hunting.

17. When the husbandmen present (the first-fruits
of) their wheat, the son of Heaven tastes it along with
some pork, first offering a portion in the apartment
behind (the hall of the) ancestral temple.

18. In this month they collect and store up the
various medicinal herbs. Delicate herbs (now) die ;
it is the harvest time (even) of the wheat. They
decide cases for which the punishments are light ;
they make short work of small crimes, and liberate
those who are in prison for slight offences1.

19. When the work with the silk-worms is over,
the queen presents her cocoons ; and the tithe-tax of
cocoons generally is collected, according to the num-
ber of mulberry trees ; for noble and mean, for old
and young there is one law. The object is with
such cocoons to provide materials for the robes to
be used at the sacrifices in the suburbs and in the
ancestral temple.

20. In this month the son of Heaven (entertains
his ministers and princes) with strong drink and with
(much) observance of ceremony and with music2.

1 There does not appear to be any connexion between the first
sentence of this paragraph and the remainder of it. The medicinal
herbs are collected while all their vigour is in them. For the
things in the second sentence the ' summer heats ' make a pre-
mature harvest; and this seems to lead to the third topic, — the
saving those charged with slight offences from the effects of that
heat in confinement.

2 The .Oien-lung editors have a note here, which is worth
quoting, to the effect that as the great solstitial sacrifices and the
seasonal sacrifices of the ancestral temple do not appear in this
Book, the drinking here was at court entertainments.

272

THE LI A't. BK. IV.

21. If, in this first month of summer, the proceedings
proper to autumn were observed, pitiless rains would
be frequent ; the five esculent plants1 would not grow
large, and in all the borders people would have to
enter the places of shelter. If those proper to winter
were observed, all plants and trees would wither
early, and afterwards there would be great floods,
destroying city and suburban walls. If those proper
to spring were observed, there would be the calamity
of locusts, violent winds would come, and plants in
flower would not go on to seed.

Part II.

1. In the second month of summer the sun is in the
eastern 3ing> the constellation culminating at dusk
being Khang, and that culminating at dawn Wei2.

2. Its days are ping and ting. Its divine ruler
is Yen Ti, and the (attending) spirit is A^u-yung.
Its creatures are the feathered. Its musical note is
A^h, and its pitch-tube is Sui Pin3.

3. Its number is seven. Its taste is acrid. Its
smell is that of things burning. Its sacrifice is that
at the furnace ; and of the parts of the victim the
lungs have the foremost place.

4. The (period of) slighter heat arrives ; the pray-
ing mantis is produced ; the shrike begins to give its
notes ; the mocking-bird ceases to sing 4.

1 Hemp or flax, millet, rice, bearded grain, and pulse.

2 3ifig comprehends y, e, (, X, it, v, Gemini ; Khang, t, k, X, y., p,
Virgo; and Wei corresponds to a, Aquarius, and e, 6, Pegasus.

3 Sui Pin, 'the flourishing Guest,' is the fourth of the tubes
that give the six upper musical accords.

4 This is here ' the inverted Tongue.' The Khang-hsi dictionary

SECT. II. PT. II. THE YUEH LING. 273

5. The son of Heaven occupies the Ming Thang
Grand Fane ; rides in the vermilion carriage, drawn
by the red horses with black tails, and bearing the
red flag. He is dressed in the red robes, and wears
the carnation gems. He eats beans and fowls. The
vessels which he uses are tall, (to resemble) the large
growth (of things).

6. They encourage the (continued) growth of what
is strong and beautiful1.

7. In this month orders are given to the music-
masters to put in repair the hand-drums, smaller
drums, and large drums ; to adjust the lutes, large
and small, the double flutes, and the pan-pipes ; to
teach the holding of the shields, pole-axes, lances, and
plumes ; to tune the organs, large and small, with
their pipes and tongues ; and to put in order the bells,
sonorous stones, the instrument to give the symbol
for commencing, and the stopper2.

8. Orders are given to the (proper) officers to pray
for the people and offer sacrifice to the (spirits of the)
hills, streams, and all springs. (After that) comes
the great summer sacrifice for rain to God, when all

says it is the same as ' the hundred Tongues ; ' the Chinese
mocking-bird.

1 A'u Hsi would remove this paragraph to the thirteenth of the
last Part. It seems to me to be in its proper place.

2 See vol. iii, p. 324. The stopper is represented thus : —

It was made to sound by a metal rod drawn along the spinous
back. I have seen a similar instrument, used for the same purpose,
brought from Madras.

274 THE L^ A'*-

BK. IV.

the instruments of music are employed. Then orders
are given throughout all the districts to sacrifice to
the various princes, high ministers, and officers who
benefited the people ; praying that there may be a
good harvest of grain1.

9. The husbandmen present (the first-fruits of)
their millet; and in this month the son of Heaven
partakes of it along with pullets, and with cherries
set forth beside them, first offering a portion in the
apartment behind the ancestral temple.

10. The people are forbidden to cut down the
indigo plant to use it in dyeing2,

11. Or to burn wood for charcoal, or to bleach
cloth in the sun.

1 2. The gates of cities and villages should not be
shut3, nor should vexatious inquiries be instituted at
the barrier gates or in the markets.

1 The first and last of the three sacrificial services in the para-
graph were subsidiary to the second, the great praying for rain to
God by the sovereign ; the motive is not mentioned in the text, but
only he could conduct a service to God. Callery renders: —
' En meme temps l'empereur invoque le ciel avec grand apparat
(afin d'obtenir de la pluie), et cette cere*monie est accompagne'e de
grande musique.' All Chinese commentators admit that the per-
former was the sovereign. Aang Khang-X'/mng says : ' For this
sacrifice to God, they made an altar (or altars) by the side of the
(grand altar in the) southern suburb, and sacrificed to the five essen-
tial (or elemental) gods with the former rulers as their assessors.'
But the ^T/zien-lung editors insist on the text's having ' God,' and not
' five gods,' and that the correct view is that the sacrifice was to the
one God dwelling in the bright sky, or, as Williams renders the
phrase, ' the Shang Ti of the glorious heaven.'

2 The plant would not yet be fully fit for use.

3 Every facility should be afforded for the circulation of air
during the summer heats.

SECT. II. PT. II. THE YUEH LING. 275

1 3. Leniency should be shown to prisoners charged
(even) with great crimes, and their allowance of food
be increased1.

14. Impregnated mares are collected in herds by
themselves, and the fiery stallions are tied up. The
rules for the rearing of horses are given out.

15. In this month the longest day arrives. The
influences in nature of darkness and decay and those
of brightness and growth struggle together; the
tendencies to death and life are divided2. Superior
men give themselves to vigil and fasting. They keep
retired in their houses, avoid all violent exercise,
restrain their indulgence in music and beautiful sights,
eschew the society of their wives, make their diet
spare, use no piquant condiments, keep their desires
under rule, and maintain their spirits free from excite-
ment. The various magistrates keep things quiet
and inflict no punishments 3 ; — to bring about that
state of settled quiet in which the influence of dark-
ness and decay shall obtain its full development.

16. Deer shed their horns. Cicadas begin to sing.
The midsummer herb is produced. The tree hibis-
cus flowers4.

17. In this month fires should not be lighted (out
of doors) in the southern regions (of the country).

1 The leniency would be seen in the lightening of their fetters for
one thing, — in consequenceof the exhaustion producedby the season.

2 Decay begins to set in, while growth and vigour seek to
maintain their hold.

3 The A^ien-lung editors approve a reading here, which means,
instead of 'no punishments,' 'no rash or hurried action.'

4 The ' tree hibiscus ' is the ' hibiscus syriacus.' The ' half-sum-
mer herb ' is medicinal. It is ' white, with round seeds, and of a
hot and pungent taste.'

T 2

276 THE LI Kl.

BK. IV.

18. People may live in buildings high and bright.
They may enjoy distant prospects. They may
ascend hills and heights. They may occupy towers
and lofty pavilions1.

19. If, in the second month of summer, the govern-
mental proceedings of winter were observed, hail and
cold would injure the grain ; the roads would not be
passable ; and violent assaults of war would come.
If the proceedings proper to spring were observed,
the grains would be late in ripening ; all kinds of
locusts would continually be appearing ; and there
would be famine in the states. If those proper to
autumn were observed, herbs and plants would drop
their leaves ; fruits would ripen prematurely; and the
people would be consumed by pestilence.

Part III.

1. In the third month of summer the sun is in
Liu, the constellation culminating at dusk being
Kwo, and that culminating at dawn Khwei2.

2. Its days are ping and ting. Its divine ruler is
Yen Ti, and the (assisting) spirit is A7/u-yung. Its
musical note is Kih., and its pitch-tube is Lin
A"ung3.

1 At the beginning of this paragraph there should be — ' In this
month.'

2 Liu comprehends 8, e, (, rj, 6, p, a, and <o Hydrae; Hwo is the
same as Hsin, the fifth of the Chinese zodiacal constellations
comprehending Antares, o-, r, and two c. 2584, 2587, Scorpio;
Khwei (as stated above, p. 257) comprehends /3 (Mirac), 8, e, £, p,
v, w of Andromeda, and some stars of Pisces.

3 The fourth of the tubes that give the six lower musical
accords.

SECT. II. PT. III. THE YUEII LING. 277

3. Its number is seven. Its taste is acrid. Its
smell is that of things burning. Its sacrifice is that
at the furnace ; and of the parts of the victim the lungs
have the foremost place.

4. Gentle winds begin to blow. The cricket takes
its place in the walls. (Young) hawks learn to prac-
tise (the ways of their parents)1. Decaying grass
becomes fire-flies.

5. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment
on the right of the Ming Thang (Fane) ; rides in
the vermilion carriage, drawn by the red horses
with black tails, and bearing the red flag. He is
dressed in the red robes, and wears the carnation
gems. He eats beans and fowls. The vessels
which he uses are tall, (to resemble) the large
growth (of things).

6. Orders are given to the master of the Fishermen
to attack the alligator, to take the gavial, to present
the tortoise, and to take the great turtle2.

7. Orders are given to the superintendent of the
Meres to collect and send in the rushes available
for use.

8. In this month orders are given to the four

1 Compare what is said about hawks in paragraph 4, page 258.
'Here,' says Wang Thao, 'we have the turtle-doves trans-
formed back to hawks, showing that the former notice was
metaphorical.' What is said about the fire-flies is, of course, a
mistaken fancy.

2 The first of these animals — the £iao — is, probably, the alli-
gator or crocodile; it was taken only after a struggle or fight.
The second — the tho — had a skin used in making drums; and its
flesh, as well as that of the fourth — the yuan — was used in making
soup.

278 THE Ll Kl.

BK. IV.

inspectors1 to make a great collection over all the
districts of the different kinds of fodder to nourish
the sacrificial victims; and to require all the people to
do their utmost towards this end ; — to supply what is
necessary for (the worship of) God (who dwells in)
the great Heaven, and for the spirits of the famous
hills, great streams, and four quarters, and for the
sacrifices to the Intelligences of the ancestral temple,
and at the altars to the spirits of the land and
grain ; that prayer may be made for blessing to the
people.

9. In this month orders are given by the officers
of women's (work), on the subject of dyeing 2. (They
are to see) that the white and black, the black and
green, the green and carnation, the carnation and
white be all according to the ancient rules, without
error or change ; and that their black, yellow, azure,
and carnation be all genuine and good, without any
presumptuous attempts at imposition. These furnish
the materials for the robes used at the sacrifices in
the suburbs and the ancestral temple ; for flags and
their ornaments ; and for marking the different
degrees of rank as high or low.

10. In this month the trees are luxuriant ; and
orders are given to the foresters to go among the
hills and examine the trees, and see that the people
do not cut any down or lop their branches3.

1 Of hills, forests, rivers, and meres.

2 We find full details of the number and duties of the super-
intendents of women's work, with its tailoring, dyeing, and other
things, in the Kau Li, Books I and VII.

3 The A'^ien-lung editors say that this was to let the process of
growth have its full course ; and, besides, that wood cut down in
spring and summer will be found full of insects.

SECT. II. PT. HI. THE YUEH LING. 279

1 1. There should not be any work in earth1 (now)
undertaken; nor any assembling of the princes of the
states ; nor any military movements, causing general
excitement. There should be no undertaking of (such)
great affairs, which will disturb the nourishing growth
that is proceeding, nor any issuing of orders to be
hereafter carried into effect. All these things will
interfere with the business of husbandry, (which is
specially dear to) the Spirits2. The floods are now
great and overflow the roads ; husbandry (dear to)
the Spirits has to take in hand its various tasks.
The curse of Heaven will come on the undertaking
of great affairs (at this time).

1 Such as building walls and fortifications, or laying out the
ground.

2 The text is — ' will interfere with the business of Shan Nang

( fe!r Jfi$ §1 <I $)•' How is lt that ' husbandry ' has here the
epithet of Shan, or 'spiritual,' 'mysterious,' applied to it? The
AVnen-lung editors say: — ' 3hai Yung (our second century) makes
Shan Nang to be Yen Ti (the divine ruler of the summer). A'ang
made the name to be that of " the spirit of the ground." Kao Yu
(second century) took it as a name for the minister of Husbandry.
To some extent each of these views might be admitted, but none
of them is very certain. Looking carefully at the text it simply
says that no great undertakings should be allowed to interfere
with husbandry. That it does not plainly say husbandry, but
calls it the Shan husbandry, is from a sense of its importance, and
therefore making it out to be Spirit-sanctioned. Heaven produced
the people, and the grain to nourish them ; is not sowing and
reaping the business of Heaven? When a ruler knows this, he
feels that he is under the inspection of Heaven in his reverent
regard of the people, and the importance which he attaches to
husbandry. He will not dare lightly to use the people's strength,
so as to offend against Heaven.' I have tried to bring out their
view in my version.

280 THE Lt kL

EK. IV.

12. In this month the ground lies steaming and
wet beneath the heats, for great rains are (also) con-
tinually coming. They burn the grass lying cut upon
the ground1 and bring the water over it. This is as
effectual to kill the roots as hot water would be ; and
the grass thus serves to manure the fields of grain and
hemp, and to fatten the ground which has been but
just marked out for cultivation.

13. If, in the last month of summer, the govern-
mental proceedings proper to spring were observed,
the produce of grain would be scanty and fail ; in the
states there would be many colds and coughs ; and
the people would remove to other places. If the
proceedings proper to autumn were observed, even
the high grounds would be flooded ; the grain that
had been sown would not ripen ; and there would be
many miscarriages among women. If those proper
to winter were observed, the winds and cold would
come out of season ; the hawks and falcons would
prematurely attack their prey ; and all along the four
borders people would enter their places of shelter.

Supplementary Section.

1 . Right in the middle (between Heaven and Earth,
and the other elements) is earth.

2. Its days are wu and ki.

3. Its divine ruler is Hwang Ti ; and the (attend-
ing) spirit is Hau-thu.

1 Compare what is said on the duties of those who cut the grass,
as is here assumed to be done, in the ATau Li, Book XXXVII,
paragraphs 80., 81 gj ^).

SUP. SECT.

THE YUEir LING. 28 I

4. Its creature is that without any natural cover-
ing but the skin.

5. Its musical note is A'ung, and its pitch-
tube gives the /6ung note from the tube Hwang
A'ung.

6. Its number is five. Its taste is sweet. Its smell
is fragrant.

7. Its sacrifice is that of the middle court ; and of
the parts of the victim the heart has the foremost
place.

8. The son of Heaven occupies the Grand apart-
ment of the Grand fane ; rides in the great carriage
drawn by the yellow horses with black tails, and bear-
ing the yellow flag ; is clothed in the yellow robes,
and wears the yellow gems. He eats panicled
millet and beef. The vessels which he uses are
round, (and made to resemble) the capacity (of the
earth)1.

1 I have called this a supplementary section. It is dropt in, in
all its brevity, without mention of any proceedings of government,
between the end of summer and the beginning of autumn. It has
all the appearance of an after-thought, suggested by the super-
stitious fancies of the compiler. Callery says on it : —

1 This passage can only be comprehended by help of the in-
timate affinities which Chinese philosophers have attributed to the
different beings of nature. According to them, the four seasons
are related to the four cardinal points : spring to the east, summer
to the south, autumn to the west, and winter to the north. Each
of the cardinal points is related to an element : the east to wood,
the south to fire, the west to metal, and the north to water. But
as there is a fifth element, that of earth, and the four cardinal
points have no reason for being distinguished as they are, but
that there is a point in the middle between them, which is still the
earth, it follows from this that the earth ought to have its place in
the midst of the four seasons, that is, at the point of separation

282 THE Lt Kl.

BK. IV.

between summer and autumn. Here a difficulty presented itself.
The bamboo flutes to which the Chinese months are referred being
but twelve, where shall be found the musical affinities of the earth ?
But the Chinese philosopher did not find himself embarrassed.
See how he reasoned. The sound of the first flute, that is, of the
longest and largest, is the strongest and most grave, and, like
a bass, harmonizes with all the other sounds more acute. So the
earth, likewise, is the most important of all the elements; it extends
towards all the cardinal points, and intervenes in the products of
each season. Hence the earth ought to correspond to the sound
of the first flute ! These affinities extend to colours, tastes, and a
crowd of other categories.'

The .A7zien-lung editors say : —

' Speaking from the standpoint of Heaven, then the earth is in
the midst of Heaven ; that is, (the element of) earth. Speaking
from the standpoint of the Earth, then wood, fire, metal, and water
are all supported on it. The manner in which the way of Earth is
affected by that of Heaven cannot be described by reference to
one point, or one month. Speaking from the standpoint of the
heavenly stems, then wu and ki occupy the middle places, and
are between the stems for fire and metal, to convey the system of
mutual production. Speaking from the standpoint of the " earthly
branches," the k/ia.n, hsii, k/iiu, and wi occupy the corners of
the four points ; wood, fire, metal, and water, all turn to earth.
This is what the idea of reciprocal ending, and that of elemental
flourishing, arise from. This may be exhibited in the several
points, and reckoned by the periods of days. The talk about the
elements takes many directions, but the underlying principle comes
to be the same ! '

I shall be glad if my readers can understand this.

SECT. ill. pt. I. THE YUEH LING. 28,

Section III. Part I.

1. In the first month of autumn, the sun is in Yi ;
the constellation culminating at dusk being ATen-
hsing, and that culminating at dawn Pi1.

2. Its days are kang and hsin.

3. Its divine ruler is Shao Hao, and the (attend-
ing) spirit is Zu-shau2.

4. Its creatures are the hairy.

5. Its musical note is Shang; its pitch-tube is
I 3eh3.

6. Its number is nine. Its taste is bitter. Its
smell is rank.

7. Its sacrifice is that at the gate; and of the
parts of the victim the liver has the foremost place.

8. Cool winds come ; the white dew descends4 ;
the cicada of the cold chirps5. (Young) hawks at this

1 Yi corresponds to Crater. iTien-hsing comprehends stars in
Sagittarius (see page 257). Pi corresponds to the Hyades.

2 Shao Hao follows Hwang Ti, whose eldest son he was, as the
fourth in the list of the five Ti, or divine rulers (b. c. 2594). His
capital was at A7m-fau, the city of Confucius; and I have seen,
at a little distance from it, perhaps the only pyramid in China,
which is in memory of him, and said to be on or near his grave.
His personal appellation is Am-thien (<£s ^), or Thien-£in,
the element to which he and his reign are assigned being km, or
metal. Zu-shau was one of his sons.

3 1 3eh, ' the equalization of the Laws,' is the tube giving the
fifth of the upper musical accords.

4 White dew is a name for hoar-frost.

b This cicada (Williams thinks the cicada viridis) is called

284 THE Li Kl.

BK. IV.

time sacrifice birds, as the first step they take to kill-
ing (and eating) them1.

9. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on
the left of the 3ung-<£ang (Fane) ; rides in the war
chariot, drawn by the white horses with black manes,
and bearing the white flag. He is clothed in the
white robes, and wears the white jade. He eats
hemp-seeds and dog's flesh. The vessels which he
uses are rectangular, and going on to be deep 2.

10. In this month there takes place the inaugura-
tion of autumn. Three days before the ceremony,
the Grand recorder informs the son of Heaven, say-
ing, ' On such-and-such a day is the inauguration of
the autumn. The character of the season is fully
seen in metal.' On this the son of Heaven devotes
himself to self-adjustment; and on the day he leads
in person the three ducal ministers, the nine high
ministers, the princes of states (at court), and his
Great officers, to meet the autumn in the western
suburb, and on their return he rewards the general-
in-chief, and the military officers in the court.

1 1. The son of Heaven also orders the leaders and
commanders to choose men and sharpen weapons, to
select and exercise those of distinguished merit, and

' the dumb.' Now it begins to chirp. Its colour is ' green and
red.'

1 Compare what is said about the otter, page 251.

2 3ung-^ang is made out to mean, ' all bright,' and the apart-
ment was on the west ; with mystical reference to the maturity and
gathering of all things in the autumn, or season of the west. The
vessels were rectangular, having sharp corners in harmony with the
sharp weapons made of metal, to which element the season of
autumn is referred ; and they were deep, to resemble the deep
bosom of the earth, to which things now begin to return.

SECT. III. PT. I. THE YUEM LING. 285

to give their entire trust only to men whose services
have been proved ; — thereby to correct all un-
righteousness. (He instructs them also) to make
enquiries about and punish the oppressive and inso-
lent;— thereby making it clear whom he loves and
whom he hates, and giving effect to (the wishes of)
the people, even the most distant from court.

12. In this month orders are given to the proper
officers to revise the laws and ordinances, to put the
prisons in good repair, to provide handcuffs and
fetters, to repress and stop villainy, to maintain a
watch against crime and wickedness, and to do their
endeavour to capture criminals. Orders are (also)
given to the managers (of prisons) to look at wounds,
examine sores, inspect broken members, and judge
particularly of dislocations. The determination of
cases, both criminal and civil, must be correct and
just. Heaven and earth now begin to be severe ; —
there should be no excess in copying that severity,
or in the opposite indulgence1.

13. In this month the husbandmen present their
grain. The son of Heaven tastes it, while still new,
first offering some in the apartment at the back of the
ancestral temple.

14. Orders are given to all the officers to begin
their collecting and storing the contributions (from

1 For this last sentence Callery has : — ' (Ce mois-ci) la nature
commencant a devenir rigoureuse, on ne doit pas augmenter (ses
rigeurs par I'application de chatiments trop seVeres).' Wang Thao
takes an opposite view. I think I have got the thought that was
in the compiler's mind. See the note of the A^ien-lung editors
with reference to the advocacy of it by commentators of ' the Brief
Calendar of Hsia.'

286 THE LI Kl. bk. IV.

the husbandmen) ; to finish the embankments and
dykes ; to look to the dams and fillings up in pre-
paration for the floods, and also to refit all houses ;
to strengthen walls and enclosures ; and to repair
city and suburban walls.

15. In this month there should be no investing of
princes, and no appointment of great ministers.
There should be no dismemberment of any territory,
no sending out on any great commission, and no
issuing of great presents.

16. If, in this first month of autumn, the proceedings
of government proper to winter were observed, then
the dark and gloomy influence (of nature) would
greatly prevail ; the shelly insects would destroy the
grain ; and warlike operations would be called for.
If the proceedings proper to spring were observed,
there would be droughts in the states ; the bright and
growing influence would return ; and the five kinds
of grain would not yield their fruit. If the proceed-
ings proper to summer were observed, there would
be many calamities from fire in the states ; the cold
and the heat would be subject to no rule ; and there
would be many fevers among the people.

Part II.

1. In the second month of autumn the sun is in
Alo, the constellation culminating at dusk being
AV/ien-niu, and that culminating at dawn 3ze-hsi'.

2. Its days are ^ang and hsin. Its divine ruler

1 i^io corresponds to a (Spica) and £ of Virgo; A7/ien-niu
(see on page 262) to certain stars in the neck of Aquila; and
3ze-hsi is said to be A Orion.

SECT.lli.PT.il. THE YUEH LING. 287

is Shao Hao, and the (attending) spirit is Zd-
shau. Its insects are the hairy. Its musical note is
Shang, and its pitch-tube is Nan Lii1.

3. Its number is nine. Its taste is bitter. Its
smell is rank. Its sacrifice is that of the gate ; and
of the parts of the victim the liver has the foremost
place.

4 Sudden and violent winds come. The wild
geese arrive2. The swallows return (whence they
came)2. Tribes of birds store up provisions (for
the future)3.

5. The son of Heaven occupies the 3ung-£a.ng
Grand Fane ; rides in the war chariot, drawn by
the white horses with black manes, and bearing
the white flag. He is clothed in the white robes,
and wears the white gems. He eats hemp-seed and
dog's flesh. The vessels which he uses are rectan-
gular or cornered, and rather deep.

6. In this month they take especial care of the

1 Nan Lii, 'the southern spine,' is the tube that gives the fifth of
the lower musical accords.

2 The wild geese are now returning to their winter quarters,
from which they had come in the first month of spring ; see page
251. So with the swallows, who had appeared in the second
month of spring; see page 259.

3 This sentence is hardly translatable or intelligible. Some
would read as in paragraph 95 of 'the Brief Calendar of Hsia'

C^I' .If; Tel (rj ,if»)> translated by Professor Douglas: 'The red
birds (i. e. fire-flies) devour the white birds (i. e. mosquitoes),' which
he ingeniously supports by a reference to the habits of the fire-fly
from Chambers' Encyclopaedia. But his translation of hsiu by
'devour' is inadmissible. Wang Thao says that this view is
'chisseling.' 'Sparrows and other birds,' he says, 'now collect
seeds of grapes and trees, and store them in their nests and holes
against the time of rain and snow.'

288 THE LI k1.

BK. IV.

decaying and old ; give them stools and staves,
and distribute supplies of congee for food.

7. Orders are given to the superintendent of robes
to have ready the upper and lower dresses with their
various ornaments. For the figures and embroidery
on them there are fixed patterns. Their size, length,
and dimensions must all be according to the old
examples. For the caps and girdles (also) there are
regular rules.

8. Orders are given to the proper officers to revise
with strict accuracy (the laws about) the various
punishments. Beheading and (the other) capital
executions must be according to (the crimes) without
excess or defect. Excess or defect out of such propor-
tion will bring on itself the judgment (of Heaven).

9. In this month orders are given to the officers
of slaughter and prayer to go round among the
victims for sacrifice, seeing that they are entire and
complete, examining their fodder and grain, inspect-
ing their condition as fat or thin, and judging of
their looks. They must arrange them according to
their classes. In measuring their size, and looking
at the length (of their horns), they must have them
according to the (assigned) measures. When all
these points are as they ought to be, God will accept
the sacrifices1.

10. The son of Heaven performs the ceremonies
against pestilence, to secure development for the
(healthy) airs of autumn.

11. He eats the hemp-seed (which is now pre-

1 A'ang says here : ' And if God accept them, of course there is
no other spirit that will not do so.'

SECT. in. PT. II. THE YtJEH LING. 289

sented) along with clog's flesh, first offering some in
the apartment at the back of the ancestral temple.

12. In this month it is allowable to rear city and
suburban walls, to establish cities and towns, to dig
underground passages and grain-pits, and to repair
granaries, round and square.

13. Orders are given to the proper officers to be
urgent with the people, and (to finish) receiving their
contributions and storing them. They should do
their best to accumulate (large) stores of vegetables
and other things.

14. They should (also) stimulate the wheat-sowing.
(The husbandmen) should not be allowed to miss
the proper time for the. operation. Any who do so
shall be punished without fail.

15. In this month day and night are equal. The
thunder begins to restrain its voice. Insects stop
up the entrances to their burrows. The influence
to decay and death gradually increases. That of
brightness and growth daily diminishes. The waters
begin to dry up.

16. At the equinox, they make uniform the mea-
sures of length and capacity ; equalise the steel-
yards and their weights ; rectify the weights of 30
and 120 catties ; and adjust the pecks and bushels.

17. In this month they regulate and reduce the
charges at the frontier gates and in the markets, to
encourage the resort of both regular and travelling
traders, and the receipt of goods and money ; for the
convenience of the business of the people. When
merchants and others collect from all quarters, and
come from the most distant parts, then the resources
(of the government) do not fail. There is no want

[27] u

29O THE LI A't. BK. IV.

of means for its use ; and all things proceed pros-
perously.

18. In commencing great undertakings, there
should be no opposition to the great periods (for
them) as defined (by the motion of the sun). They
must be conformed to the times (as thereby marked
out), and particular attention paid to the nature of
each1.

19. If in this second month of autumn the proceed-
ings proper to spring were observed, the autumnal

1 Callery translates this paragraph by : ' Toute personne ayant
une chose importante a accomplir ne doit pas se mettre en oppo-
sition avec les grands principes (yin et yang); il doit se con-
former au temps (propre a agir ; mais il doit aussi) bien examiner
la nature meme de l'entreprise.' He appends to this the following
note: — £Les deux principes yin et yang auxquels se rapportent
tous les etres, ayant tour-a-tour la predominance dans certaines
epoques de l'annee, le temps convenable pour une chose quel-
conque est celui auquel pre'domine le principe dont cette chose
depend par son affinity naturelle. Ainsi, par exemple, les travaux
de terrassement et de construction conviennent en automne, parce
que le principe yin dont ils dependent est en progres pendant
l'automne. Neanmoins, de ce que cette epoque de l'annde est
favorable sous ce point de vue, il ne s'ensuit pas que toute entre-
prise de construction faite en automne soit avantageuse en elle-
meme ; une foule de circonstances peuvent la rendre ruineuse, et
c'est a l'entrepreneur de bien l'examiner, abstraction faite de la
saison/

The text rendered by Callery, 'les deux principes (yin et
yang),' is simply ta shu, 'the grand numbers,' the meaning of
which I have endeavoured to bring out by the supplements in my
version. The yin and yang are not mentioned in the text of the
paragraph. They are simply a binomial phrase for the course of
nature, with special reference to the weather and its conditions,
as regulated by the action of the sun on the earth in the course of
the seasons.

SECT. III. PT. III. THE YUEII LING. 29 1

rains would not fall ; plants and trees would blossom;
and in the states there would be alarms. If those
proper to summer were observed, there would be
droughts in the states ; insects would not retire to
their burrows ; and the five grains would begin to
grow again. If those proper to winter were observed,
calamities springing from (unseasonable) winds would
be constantly arising ; the thunder now silent would
be heard , before its time ; and plants and trees
would die prematurely.

Part III.

1. In the last month of autumn the sun is in Fang,
the constellation culminating at dusk being Hsu1, and
that culminating at dawn Liu.

2. Its days are kang and hsin. Its divine ruler
is Shao Hao, and the (attending) spirit is 3u-shau.
Its creatures are the hairy. Its musical note is
Shang, and its pitch-tube is Wu Yi2.

3. Its number is nine. Its taste is bitter. Its
smell is rank. Its sacrifice is that at the gate ;
and of the parts of the victim the liver has the fore-
most place.

4. The wild geese come, (and abide) like guests3.

1 Fang comprehends j8, 8, tt, p Scorpio. Hsu corresponds to
0 Aquarius ; and Liu comprehends 8, e, £, rj, 8, p, or, cp Hydra.

2 Wu Yi, 'the unwearied,' is the tube giving the sixth upper
musical accord.

3 The addition of guests here is a difficulty. It is said on the
previous month that 'the wild geese come;' are these here the
same as those, or are they others, — the younger birds, as some
suppose, which had waited after the former, and still found it
necessary to remain on their passage to recruit their strength ?

U 2

292

THE LI El. BK. IV.

Small birds enter the great water and become
mollusks1. Chrysanthemums show their yellow
flowers. The Mai sacrifice larger animals, and
kill (and devour) the smaller 2.

5. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on
the right of the 3ung-/£ang (Fane) ; rides in the war
chariot, drawn by the white horses with black manes,
and bearing the white flags ; is dressed in the white
robes, and wears the white jade. He eats hemp-
seeds and dog's flesh. The vessels which he uses
are rectangular, cornered, and rather deep.

6. In this month the orders are renewed and

1 Professor Douglas has made it more than probable that the
'small birds' here are sand-pipers. What is said about them,
however, will not admit of his version, that they ' go into the sea
or lakes for crustaceae.' His ' crustaceae ' should be ' mollusks.'
According to all rules of Chinese composition, what he renders
'for' must be taken verbally, = ' to become.' It is not merely
the Chinese ' commentators,' who consider the sentence to mean,
' Sparrows go into the sea and become crustaceae (? mollusks) ; ' it
is what the text says. It is indeed an absurd statement, but a
translator is not responsible for that. The ^ien-lung editors observe
that there is no mention here of the little birds being ' transformed,'
as in the paragraph about the 'hawks' on page 258, and hence
they argue that we cannot understand the notice here meta-
phorically. They accept the fact (?). The marine Ko, which is men-
tioned here, as figured in the plates of the Pan £h a o Kang-mu,
is the Calyptroida Trochita.

2 Compare what is said about the otter, page 251. Professor
Douglas argues that the khzi is the polecat. But this identi-
fication cannot yet be received as certain. The khii is 'dog-
footed,' ' hunts in troops,' and has ' a voice like that of the dog.'
In Japanese plates it is not at all like ' the polecat.' An English
naturalist, to whom I submitted a Japanese work illustrative of the
Shih King, many years ago, has written over the khii, 'a wild
dog or wolf/

SECT. in. PT. ill. THE YUEH LING. 293

strictly enjoined, charging the various officers (to
see) that noble and mean all exert themselves in the
work of. ingathering, in harmony with the storing of
heaven and earth. They must not allow anything to
remain out in the fields.

7. Orders are also given to the chief minister, after
the fruits of husbandry have all been gathered in, to
take in hand the registers of the produce of the
different grains (from all the country), and to store
up the produce that has been gathered from the acres
of God in the granary of the spirits; doing this with
the utmost reverence and correctness1.

8. In this month the hoar-frost begins to fall; and
all labours cease (for a season).

9. Orders are given to the proper officers, saying,
' The cold airs are all coming, and the people will not
be able to endure them. Let all enter within their
houses (for a time).'

10. On the first ting day orders are given to the
chief Director of music to enter the college, and
to practise (with his pupils) on the wind instruments.

11. In this month an announcement is made to the
son of Heaven that the victims for the great sacrifice
to God, and the autumnal sacrifice in the ancestral
temple2 are fit and ready.

1 .

This,' says Hsu Sze-jang (Ming dynasty), ' is the great rule
of making provision for the sustenance of men and for serving
spiritual beings, — two things demanding the utmost inward rever-
ence and outward reverential vigour.' I suppose that the ' spirit-
granary' contained the grain for all governmental sacrifices, as
well as that gathered from 'the acres of God,' and to be used
specially in sacrifices to Him.

2 This paragraph gives great trouble to the A7rien-lung editors ;
but we need not enter on their discussions.

294

THE LI A'i. BK. IV.

12. The princes of the states are assembled, and
orders given to the officers of the various districts
(in the royal domain). They receive the first days
of the months for the coming year1, and the laws for
the taxation of the people by the princes, both light
and heavy, and the amount of the regular contribu-
tion to the government, which is determined by the
distance of the territories and the nature of their
several productions. The object of this is to provide
what is necessary for the suburban sacrifices and those
in the ancestral temple. No private considerations
are allowed to have place in this.

13. In this month the son of Heaven, by means of
hunting, teaches how to use the five weapons of war,
and the rules for the management of horses.

14. Orders are given to the charioteers and the
seven (classes of) grooms2 to see to the yoking of the
several teams, to set up in the carriages the flags and
various banners 3, to assign the carriages according to
the rank (of those who were to occupy them), and to
arrange and set up the screens outside (the royal
tent). The minister of Instruction, with his baton

1 This last month of autumn, the ninth from the first month of
spring, was the last month of the year with the dynasty of 3hin,
when it was high time to give out the calendar for the months of
the next year.

2 The sovereign's horses were divided into six classes, and
every class had its own grooms, with one among them who had
the superintendence of the rest. See a narrative in the 3o A'wan,
under the eighteenth year of duke A7iang.

3 Two of these insignia are mentioned in the text; — the 3ing,
which was only a pennant, and the Kzo, a large banner with a
tortoise and serpent intertwined. No doubt the meaning is, ' the
various banners.'

SECT. ill. PT. in. THE YUEH LING. 295

stuck in his girdle, addresses all before him with his
face to the north.

15. Then the son of Heaven, in his martial orna-
ments, with his bow in one hand, and the arrows under
the armpit of the other, proceeds to hunt. (Finally),
he gives orders to the superintendent of Sacrifices, to
offer some of the captured game to (the spirits of) the
four quarters.

16. In this month the plants and trees become
yellow and their leaves fall, on which the branches
are cut down to make charcoal.

17. Insects in their burrows all try to push deeper,
and from within plaster up the entrances. In accord-
ance with (the season), they hurry on the decision and
punishment of criminal cases, wishing not to leave
them any longer undealt with. They call in emoluments
that have been assigned incorrectly, and minister to
those whose means are insufficient for their wants.

18. In this month the son of Heaven eats dog's
flesh and rice, first presenting some in the apartment
at the back of the ancestral temple.

19. If, in this last month of autumn, the proceed-
ings proper to summer were observed, there would
be great floods in the states ; the winter stores would
be injured and damaged ; there would be many colds
and catarrhs among the people. If those proper to
winter were observed, there would be many thieves
and robbers in the states ; the borders would be un-
quiet ; and portions of territory would be torn from
the rest. If those proper to spring were observed,
the warm airs would come ; the energies of the people
would be relaxed and languid; and the troops would
be kept moving about.

296 THE Ll k\.

BK. IV.

Section IV. Part I.

1. In the first month of winter the sun is in Wei,
the constellation culminating at dusk being- Wei,
and the constellation culminating at dawn K/nh.-
hsing1.

2. Its days are the ^an and kwei.

3. Its divine ruler is A'wan-hsii, and the (attend-
ing) spirit is Hsuan-ming2.

4. Its creatures are the shell-covered.

5. Its musical note is Yti, and its pitch-tube is
Ying isTung3.

6. Its number is six. Its taste is salt. Its smell
is that of things that are rotten.

7. Its sacrifice is that at (the altar of) the path, and

1 Wei (^j|) comprehends €, \x. Scorpio; Wei (jn\, as on
page 272) corresponds to stars in Aquarius and Pegasus. Kh'ih.
H sing (as on p. 262) corresponds to stars in Hydra.

2 A\van-hsii is the dynastic designation of the grandson of
Hwang Ti, the commencement of whose reign is assigned in
B.C. 2510. He is known also by the personal designation of Kao-
yang, from the name of his second capital. Among the elements
his reign is assigned to water, and thence to the north ; and hence
the designation of his minister as Hsuan-ming, "' the dark and
mysterious/ who was called Hsiu (fltf) and Hsi ((5£), and
is said to have been a son of Shao Hao.

3 Yii is the fifth of the notes of the scale; and Ying Aling,
' the responsive tube,' the name of the last of the tubes giving the
six lower musical accords.

SECT. IV. pt. I. THE YUEII LING. 297

among- the parts of the victim the kidneys have the
foremost place \

8. Water begins to congeal. The earth begins to
be penetrated by the cold. Pheasants enter the great
water and become large mollusks2. Rainbows are
hidden and do not appear.

9. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on
the left of the Hsiian Thang (Fane) ; rides in the
dark-coloured carriage, drawn by the iron black
horses, and bearing the dark-coloured flag ; is dressed
in the black robes, and wears the dark-coloured jade.
He eats millet and sucking-pig. The vessels which
he uses are large and rather deep.

10. In this month there takes place the inaugura-
tion of winter. Three days before this ceremony,
the Grand recorder informs the son of Heaven, say-
ing, ' On such-and-such a day is the inauguration of
winter. The character of the season is fully seen in

1 This altar was outside the gate leading to the ancestral temple,
on the west of it. Many say that here was the ' well ' supplying
the water used for the temple, and would read Jang (^t) for
hsing(fj).

2 The 'great water' here is said in the 'Narratives of the States'
(Book XV) to be the Hwai. The kh a n is said to be a large species of
the Ao, into which small birds are transformed (p. 292). Of course
the transmutation of the pheasants into these is absurd. Professor
Douglas has found in a Chinese Enclyclopsedia a statement that
&Aaji is sometimes an equivalent of phii lu (yrf| J,&), ' sweet
flags and rushes.' The lu, however, is sometimes read 16, and
said to have the same sound and meaning as f^S, 'a spiral
univalve ; ' but the great objection to Professor Douglas' view
is the meaning he puts on the 4%, as pointed out on p. 292.
The text cannot be construed as he proposes.

208 THE Li kL

BK. IV.

water.' On this the son of Heaven devotes himself
to self-adjustment ; and on the day of the inaugura-
tion he leads in person the three ducal ministers, the
nine high ministers, and his Great officers to meet the
winter in the northern suburbs. On his return he
rewards (the descendants of) those who died in the
service (of the kingdom), and shows his compassion
to orphans and widows.

11. In this month orders are given to the Grand
recorder to smear with blood the tortoise-shells and
divining stalks1, and by interpreting the indications
of the former and examining the figures formed by
the latter, to determine the good and evil of their
intimations. (In this way) all flattery and partizan-
ship in the interpretation of them (will become clear),
and the crime of the operators be brought home.
No concealment or deceit will be allowed.

12. In this month the son of Heaven sets the
example of wearing furs.

13. Orders are issued to the proper officers in the
words : — ' The airs of heaven are ascended on high,
and those of earth have descended beneath. There
is no intercommunion of heaven and earth. All is
shut up and winter is completely formed.'

14. Orders are given to all the officers to cover up
carefully the stores (of their departments). The
minister of Instruction is also ordered to eo round
(among the people and see) that they have formed
their stores, and that nothing is left ungathered.

15. The city and suburban walls are put in good

1 See in Mencius, I, 7, 4, on the consecration of a bell by-
smearing parts of it with blood.

SECT. iv. pt. I. THE YUEH LING. 299

repair ; the gates of towns and villages are looked
after ; bolts and nuts are put to rights ; locks and keys
are carefully attended to ; the field-boundaries are
strengthened ; the frontiers are well secured ; impor-
tant defiles are thoroughly defended ; passes and
bridges are carefully seen after; and narrow ways
and cross-paths are shut up.

16. The rules for mourning are revised ; the dis-
tinctions of the upper and lower garments are defined ;
the thickness of the inner and outer coffins is decided
on ; with the size, height and other dimensions of
graves. The measures for all these things are
assigned, with the degrees and differences in them
according to rank.

17. In this month orders are given to the chief
Director of works to prepare a memorial on the work
of the artificers; setting forth especially the sacrificial
vessels with the measures and capacity (of them and
all others), and seeing that there be no licentious in-
genuity in the workmanship which might introduce an
element of dissipation into the minds of superiors ;
and making the suitability of the article the first con-
sideration. Every article should have its maker's
name engraved on it, for the determination of its
genuineness. When the production is not what it
ought to be, the artificer should be held guilty and
an end be thus put to deception.

18. In this month there is the great festivity when
they drink together, and each of the stands bears
half its animal roasted1.

1 Wang Thao understands this paragraph as meaning that at
this season all, both high and low, feast in expression and
augmentation of their joy. The characters will bear this inter-

300

THE Li Kl. BK. IV.

19. The son of Heaven prays for (a blessing on)
the coming year to the Honoured ones of heaven ;
sacrifices with an ox, a ram, and a boar at the public
altar to the spirits of the land, and at the gates of
towns and villages ; offers the sacrifice three days
after the winter solstice with the spoils of the chase
to all ancestors, and at the five (household) sacrifices ;
— thus cheering the husbandmen and helping them
to rest from their toils1.

20. The son of Heaven orders his leaders and
commanders to give instruction on military opera-

pretation. The Hng, of the text however, has also the meaning
which appears in the translation ; though on that view the state-
ment is not so general. See the ' Narratives of the States,' I,
ii. 8.

1 The most common view seems to be that we have here the
various parts of one sacrificial service, three days after the winter
solstice, called ki (^p), in the time of A'au, and la ()]§[)> m
that of A7/in. While the son of Heaven performed these services,
it must have been at different places in the capital I suppose,
analogous and modified services were celebrated generally through-
out the kingdom.

There is no agreement as to who are intended by ' the Honoured
ones of heaven.' Many hold that they are 'the six Honoured ones,'
to whom Shun is said to have sacrificed in the second part of the
Shu King. But the .Oien-lung editors contend that the want of
' six ' is a fatal objection to this view. Kao Yu, supposing the six
Honoured ones to be meant, argued that ' heaven, earth, and the
four seasons ' were intended by them, — those seasons co-operating
with heaven and earth in the production of all things; but the
same editors show, from the passages in the Shu, that heaven can
in no sense be included among the six Honoured ones. They
do not say, however, Who or what is intended by the designation in
the text. The la in the paragraph is taken in a pregnant sense,
as if it were lieh ($$, and not jM), meaning ' to sacrifice with
the spoils of the chase.'

sect. iv. pt. ii. THE YUEH LING. 301

tions, and to exercise (the soldiers) in archery and
chariot-driving, and in trials of strength.

21. In this month orders are given to the super-
intendent of waters and the master of fishermen to
collect the revenues from rivers, springs, ponds, and
meres, taking care not to encroach in any way on any
among the myriads of the people, so as to awaken a
feeling of dissatisfaction in them against the son of
Heaven. If they do this, they shall be punished for
their guilt without forgiveness.

22. If, in the first month of winter, the proceed-
ings of government* proper to spring were observed,
the cold that shuts up all beneath it would not do so
tightly ; the vapours of the earth would rise up and
go abroad ; many of the people would wander away
and disappear. If those proper to summer were ob-
served, there would be many violent winds in the
states ; winter itself would not be cold ; and insects
would come forth again from their burrows. If those
proper to autumn were observed, the snow and hoar-
frost would come unseasonably ; small military affairs
would constantly be arising ; and incursions and loss
of territory would occur.

Part II.

i. In the second month of winter the sun is in
Tau, the constellation culminating at dusk being the
eastern Pi, and that culminating at dawn Kan1.

1 Tau comprehends £ X, fi, o-, r, $ of Sagittarius ; the eastern
Pi, the fourteenth of the Chinese constellations, consists of Algenib
or y Pegasus, and a of Andromeda ; Kan is the last of the con-
stellations, and contains /3, y, S, and e of Corvus.

302 THE LI K$.

BK. IV.

2. Its days are £an and kwei. Its divine ruler is
Awan-hsii, and the (attending) spirit is Hsiian-ming.
Its creatures are the shell-covered. Its musical note
is Yii, and its pitch-tube is Hwang Kung1.

3. Its number is six. Its taste is salt. Its smell is
that of things that are rotten. Its sacrifice is that at
(the altar of) the path, and of the parts of the victim
the kidneys have the foremost place.

4. The ice becomes more strong. The earth
begins to crack or split. The night bird ceases to
sing. Tigers begin to pair2.

5. The son of Heaven occupies the Grand Fane
Hslian Thang ; rides in the dark-coloured carriage,
drawn by the iron black horses, and bearing the dark-
coloured flag. He is dressed in the black robes, and
wears the dark-coloured gems of jade. He eats
millet and sucking-pig. The vessels which he uses
are large and rather deep.

6. All things relating to the dead are revised and
regulated3.

7. Orders are given to the proper officer to the
following effect4: — 'There should nothing be done in

1 See page 281, paragraph 5.

2 ' The earth begins to crack ; ' some say from the increasing
intensity of the cold ; others from the warmth which has begun to
return. The returning warmth is indicated by the undivided line
with which Fu, the hexagram of the eleventh month, commences —

ESS EE . ' The night bird ' sings during the night till the dawn ;

' a hill bird, like a fowl.'

3 See paragraph 16, page 299. The paragraph may be inad-
vertently introduced here.

4 ' The proper officer ' here is said to be ' the minister of Instruc-
tion,' or ' the officer of the People.'

SECT. IV. PT. II. THE YUEII LING. 3O3

works of earth ; care should be taken not to expose
anything that is covered, nor to throw open apart-
ments and houses, and rouse the masses to action ;
— that all may be kept securely shut up. (Otherwise)
the crenial influences of earth will find vent, which
might be called a throwing open of the house of
heaven and earth. In this case all insects would
die ; and the people be sure to fall ill from pesti-
lence, and various losses would ensue.' This charge
is said to be giving full development to the (idea
of the) month.

8. In this month orders are given to the Director
of the eunuchs to issue afresh the orders for the
palace, to examine all the doors, inner and outer, and
look carefully after all the apartments. They must
be kept strictly shut. All woman's-work must be
diminished, and none of an extravagant nature per-
mitted. Though noble and nearly related friends
should come to visit the inmates, they must all be
excluded.

9. Orders are given to the Grand superintendent
of the preparation of liquors to see that the rice
and other glutinous grains are all complete ; that the
leaven-cakes are in season ; that the soaking and
heating are cleanly conducted ; that the water be
fragrant ; that the vessels of pottery be good ; and
that the regulation of the fire be right. These six
things have all to be attended to, and the Grand
superintendent has the inspection of them, to secure
that there be no error or mistake.

10. The son of Heaven issues orders to the
proper officers to pray and sacrifice to (the spirits
presiding over) the four seas, the great rivers (with

304

THE Li Kl. BK. IV.

their) famous sources, the deep tarns, and the meres,
(all) wells and springs1.

ii. In this month, if the husbandmen have any
productions in the fields, which they have not stored
or collected, or if there be any horses, oxen or other
animals, which have been left at large, any one may
take them without its being inquired into.

12. If there be those who are able to take from
the hills and forests, marshes and meres, edible fruits2,
or to capture game by hunting, the wardens and
foresters should give them the necessary information
and guidance. If there be among them those who
encroach on or rob the others, they should be
punished without fail.

13. In this month the shortest day arrives. The
principle of darkness and decay (in nature) struggles
with that of brightness and growth3. The elements
of life begin to move. Superior men give them-
selves to self-adjustment and fasting. They keep re-
tired in their houses. They wish to be at rest in their

1 Winter is the season in which the element of water pre-
dominates, and it was in virtue of this that the dynasty of 3hin
professed to rule. The Khwan-lun mountains (Koulkun), between
the desert of Gobi and Thibet, are the source of the Hwang Ho ;

■ Yuan-min, the source of the -ffiang ; Thung-po, that of the Hwai ;
the K\ grew out of the Yen, rising from the hill of Wang-wu.
See Chinese Classics, vol. iii, pp. 127-140.

2 Hazel-nuts and chestnuts are given as examples of the former;
and the water-caltrops and Euryale ferox, or 'cock's head," of
the latter.

3 This description of the month is well illustrated by the lines of

Fu, the hexagram of it referred to above, — EE =; the lowest line

representing the principle of light and growth, which just found
readmission in the year, and is seeking to develop itself.

SECT. IV. PT. II. THE YUEH LING. 3°5

persons; put away all indulgence in music and beauti-
ful sights ; repress their various desires ; give repose
to their bodies and all mental excitements. They
wish all affairs to be quiet, while they wait for the
settlement of those principles of darkness and decay,
and brightness and growth.

14. Rice begins to grow. The broom-sedge rises
up vigorously1. Worms curl2. The moose-deer
shed their horns3. The springs of water are (all) in
movement.

15. When the shortest day has arrived, they fell
trees, and carry away bamboos, (especially) the small
species suitable for arrows.

16. In this month offices in which there is no
business may be closed, and vessels for which there
is no use may be removed.

1 7. They plaster (and repair) the pillars and gate-
ways (of the palace), and the courtyard (within), and
also doors and other gateways ; rebuilding (also all)
prisons, to co-operate with the tendency of nature
to shut up and secure (the genial influences at this
season).

18. If in this second month of winter the proceed-
ings of government proper to summer were observed,

1 This is called by Dr. Williams ' a species of iris.' The roots
are made into brooms.

2 This is a fancy. The commentators say that the worms curl
and twist, with their heads turned downwards, as if seeking to
return to the warmth beneath the surface.

3 The shedding of the horns in winter shows that the mi here,

(81)' is a sPecies of tne elk or moose-deer, and different from
the lft ()Pl), which sheds its horns in the sixth month. The mi
is described as being fond of the water, and as large as a small ox.
[27] x

306 the l1 kL

BK. IV,

there would be droughts in the states ; vapours and
fogs would shed abroad their gloom, and thunder
would utter its voice. If those proper to autumn
were observed, the weather would be rainy and
slushy ; melons and gourds would not attain their
full growth ; and there would be great wars in the
states. If those proper to spring were observed,
locusts would work their harm ; the springs would all
become dry ; and many of the people would suffer
from leprosy and foul ulcers.

Part III.

i. In the third month of winter the sun is in Wu-
nu, the constellation culminating at dusk being Lau,
and that culminating at dawn Ti1.

2. Its days are san and kwei. Its divine ruler
is A'wan-hsu, and the (attendant) spirit is Hsiian-
ming. Its creatures are the shell-covered. Its
musical note is Yu, and its pitch-tube is Ta Lit2.

3. Its number is six. Its taste is salt. Its smell
is that of things that are rotten. Its sacrifice is that
at (the altar of) the path ; and the part of the victim
occupying the foremost place is the kidneys.

4. The wild geese go northwards. The magpie
begins to build. The (cock) pheasant crows3. Hens
hatch.

1 Wii-nti, as in paragraph 1, page 268. Lau corresponds to a,
£, y, 1 in the head of Aries ; Ti, to a, /3, 8, t, /x, v Libra.

2 Ta Lii is the first of the tubes giving the six lower musical
accords.

3 As is said in the Shih, II, v, 3, 5 : —

' Crows the pheasant at the dawn,
And his mate is to him drawn.'

SECT. IV. PT. HI. THE YUEH LING. $Oj

5. The son of Heaven occupies the apartment on
the right of the Hsiian Thang (Fane) ; rides in the
dark-coloured carriage, drawn by the iron-black horses,
and bearing the dark-coloured flag. He is dressed
in the black robes, and wears the dark-coloured gems
of jade. He eats millet and sucking-pig. The vessels
which he uses are large and rather deep.

6. He issues orders to the proper officers to insti-
tute on a great scale all ceremonies against pestilence,
to have (animals) torn in pieces on all sides, and
(then) to send forth the ox of earth, to escort away
the (injurious) airs of the cold1.

7. Birds of prey fly high and rapidly2.

8. They now offer sacrifices all round to (the spirits
of) the hills and rivers, to the great ministers of the
(ancient) deified sovereigns, and to the spirits of
heaven (and earth)3.

9. In this month orders are given to the master of
the Fishermen to commence the fishers' work. The
son of Heaven goes in person (to look on). He
partakes of the fish caught, first presenting some in
the apartment at the back of the ancestral temple4.

1 Compare par. 16, p. 266. The 'ox of earth ' is still seen in China.

2 This evidently is one of the natural phenomena of the season,
and should belong to paragraph 4. The translation of the first
two characters by ' Birds of prey ' is sufficiently close and exact.

3 The AVnen-lung editors point out the difficulties in explaining
the three sacrifices here referred to, and seem to think they were
practices of Kh\n, about which we have little information. ' The
great ministers of the TV in the second member were probably
those mentioned at the commencement of each season. They
supplement the concluding member, as I have done, from Lii's
Khxm A7nQ.

4 Compare paragraphs 7, p. 263; 17, p. 271. In paragraph 7,

X 2

A A

308 THE LI Kl. BK. IV.

10. The ice is now abundant ; thick and strong to
the bottom of the waters and meres. Orders are
given to collect it, which is done, and it is carried
into (the ice-houses).

11. Orders are given to make announcement to
the people to bring forth their seed of the five grains.
The husbandmen are ordered to reckon up the pairs
which they can furnish for the ploughing ; to repair
the handles and shares of their ploughs ; and to pro-
vide all the other instruments for the fields.

1 2. Orders are given to the chief director of Music
to institute a grand concert of wind instruments ; and
with this (the music of the year) is closed1.

13. Orders are given to the four Inspectors2 to
collect and arrange the faggots to supply the wood
and torches for the suburban sacrifices, those in the
ancestral temple, and all others.

14. In this month the sun has gone through all his
mansions ; the moon has completed the number of
her conjunctions ; the stars return to (their places)
in the heavens. The exact length (of the year) is
nearly completed, and the year will soon begin again.
(It is said), ' Attend to the business of your husband-
men. Let them not be employed on anything else.'

15. The son of Heaven, along with his ducal and

p. 263, the sovereign gets himself into a boat, a thing now impos-
sible through the ice. Fish are in their prime condition in winter
and spring.

1 Compare paragraph 16, p. 261, et al. Wind instruments
were supposed to suit the quiet and meditativeness of autumn and
winter, better than the drums and dances of the other seasons.

2 'The four Inspectors.' Compare paragraph 8, p. 277. Some
read thien (f{J) for sze ([7t|), 'Inspectors of the fields.'

SECT. IV. PT. ill. THE YUEII LING. 309

other high ministers and his Great officers, revises
the statutes for the states, and discusses the proceed-
ings of the different seasons ; to be prepared with
what is suitable for the ensuing year.

16. Orders are given to the Grand recorder to
make a list of the princes of the states according to
the positions severally assigned to them1, and of the
victims required from them to supply the offerings
for the worship of God dwelling in the great heaven,
and at the altars of (the spirits of) the land and grain.
Orders were also given to the states ruled by princes
of the royal surname to supply the fodder and grain
for the (victims used in the worship of the) ancestral
temple. Orders are given, moreover, to the chief
minister to make a list of (the appanages of) the
various high ministers and Great officers, with the
amount of the land assigned to the common people,
and assess them with the victims which they are
to contribute to furnish for the sacrifices to (the
spirits presiding over) the hills, forests, and famous
streams. All the people under the sky, within the
nine provinces, must, without exception, do their
utmost to contribute to the sacrifices: — to God dwell-
ing in the great heaven ; at the altars of the (spirits
of the) land and grain ; in the ancestral temple and
the apartment at the back of it ; and of the hills,
forests, and famous streams.

17. If, in the last month of winter, the governmental
proceedings proper to autumn were observed, the
white dews would descend too early ; the shelly crea-

1 As being of the same surname as the royal house, or otherwise;
the degree of their rank ; the size of their territory.

3IO THE Li K\. BK. IV.

tures would appear in monstrous forms1 ; throughout
the four borders people would have to seek their
places of shelter. If those proper to spring were
observed, women with child and young children would
suffer many disasters ; throughout the states there
would be many cases of obstinate disease ; fate would
appear to be adverse. If those proper to summer
were observed, floods would work their ruin in the
states ; the seasonable snow would not fall, the ice
would melt, and the cold disappear.

1 This is the proper force of the characters. Wang Thao inter-
prets them as meaning that the creatures would bore through dykes
and boats, so that the former would let the water through and the
latter sink.

BOOKV. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-3ZE1.

Section I.

I. 3ang-$ze asked, ' If a ruler dies and a son
and heir is born (immediately after), what course
should be adopted?'

Confucius said, 'The high nobles2, Great officers
and (other) officers, following the chief (minister),
who takes charge of the government for the time,
(should collect) at the south of the western steps,
with their faces towards the north3. (Then) the
Grand officer of prayer, in his court robes and cap,
bearing in his hands a bundle of rolls of silk, will
go up to the topmost step, and (there), without
ascending the hall, will order the wailing to cease.
Mournfully clearing his voice three times4, he will
make announcement (to the spirit of the deceased
ruler), saying, " The son of such and such a lady has
been born. I venture to announce the fact." He
will then go up, and place the silks on a stool on the
east of the body in the coffin5, wail, and descend.
All the relatives of the deceased who are there (at
the mourning), the high nobles, the Great and other

1 See the introduction, pp. 21, 22.

2 These were also ministers; see paragraph 4, page 213.

3 The usual place was at the eastern steps.

4 To call the attention of the spirit of the deceased.

8 The rolls of silk were, I suppose, the introductory present
proper on an interview with a superior.

312 THE ii A'!. BK. V.

officers, (with the women) in the apartments, all will
wail, but without the leaping. When this burst of
sorrow is over, they will return to their (proper)
places, and proceed forthwith to set forth the mourn-
ing offerings to the dead. The minor minister will
ascend, and take away the bundle of silks1.

2. ' On the third day, all the relatives, high nobles,
Great and other officers, should take their places as
before, with their faces to the north. The Grand
minister, the Grand master of the ancestral temple,
and the Grand officer of prayer, should all be in their
court-robes and caps. The master for the child2
will carry the child in his arms on a mat of sackcloth.
The officer of prayer will precede, followed by the
child, and the minister and master of the temple will
come after. Thus they will enter the door (of the
apartment where the coffin is), when the wailers
will cease. The child has been brought up by the
western steps3, and is held in front of the coffin with
his face to the north, while the officer of prayer stands
at the south-east corner of it. Mournfully clearing his
voice three times, he will say, " So and So, the son of
such and such a lady, and we, his servants, who follow
him, presume to appear before you." The boy is
(then made) to do obeisance, with his forehead on
the ground, and to wail. The officer of prayer, the
minister, the officer of the temple, all the relatives,
the high nobles, with the Great and other officers,

1 And bury it in the court between the two flights of stairs.

2 Thus early is it made to appear that the child is put under a
master; P. Zottoli translates the name by 'secundus magister.'

3 The child had been brought by the master from the women's
apartments, and carried to the court, that he might thus go up
again to the hall by these steps.

SECT. I. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-3ZE. 313

will wail and leap1, leaping three times with each burst
of grief. (Those who had gone up to the hall then)
descend, and go back to their proper places on the
east ; where all bare the left arm and shoulder. The
son (in the arms of his bearer is made) to leap, and
(the women) in the apartments also leap. Thrice
they will do so, leaping three times each time. (The
bearer for the son) will cover up his sackcloth 2, walk
with a staff, (ascend and) set forth the offerings by
the dead, and then quit the scene. The Grand
minister will charge the officer of prayer and the
recorder to announce the name all round, at the five
altars of the house, and at those (to the spirits) of
the hills and streams V

3. ^angize asked, ' If the son and heir have been
born after the burial (of the) ruler, what course should
be followed ?'

Confucius said, 'The Grand minister and the Grand
master of the ancestral temple will follow the Grand
officer of prayer, and announce the fact before the
spirit tablet (of the deceased ruler)4. Three months
after they will give the name in the same place, and
announce it all round5, and also at the altars to (the

1 A most expressive indication of the sorrow proper to the occasion.

2 The breast and shoulder of the child had also been bared.

3 The ' five household altars' are those at which the sacrifices were
offered in the palace or house, often mentioned in the last Book.

4 The characters of the text, ' in the shrine temple of the father,'
denote the special shrine or smaller temple assigned to the father
in the great ancestral temple ; but that was not assigned till after all
the rites of mourning were over. The characters here denote the
spirit tablet which had been before the burial set up over the
coffin, and which was now removed to a rear apartment. P. Zot-
toli simply has 'coram tabella.'

8 At the courts of the sovereign and of the other princes.

314 THE Li kL

BK. V.

spirits of) the land and grain, in the ancestral temple,
and (at the altars of) the hills and streams.'

4. Confucius said, ' When princes of states are
about to go to the (court of the) son of Heaven, they
must announce (their departure) before (the shrine
of) their grandfather, and lay their offerings in that of
their father1. They then put on the court cap, and
go forth to hold their own court. (At this) they
charge the officer of prayer and the recorder to an-
nounce (their departure) to the (spirits of the) land
and grain, in the ancestral temple, and at the (altars
of the) hills and rivers. They then give (the business
of) the state in charge to the five (subordinate)
officers 2, and take their journey, presenting the
offerings to the spirits of the road3 as they set
forth. All the announcements should be completed
in five days. To go beyond this in making them
is contrary to rule. In every one of them they use
a victim and silks. On the return (of the princes)
there are the same observances.'

5. 'When princes of states are about to visit one
another, they must announce (their departure) before

1 The characters here are the same as in the preceding para-
graph, but here they have their usual force. Announcement and
offerings were made at both shrines.

2 The most likely opinion is that these five officers were — two
belonging to the department of the minister of Instruction, two to
that of the minister of Works, and one to that of the minister of
War. On them, for reasons which we may not be able to give,
devolved on such occasions the superintendence of the state.

3 There seems to be no doubt of the meaning here, but this
significance of ^* is not given in the Khang-hsi dictionary.
The more common term is jjjl

SECT. I. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-3ZE. 315

the shrine of their father1. They will then put on
their court robes, and go forth to hold their own court.
(At this) they charge the officer of prayer and the
recorder to announce (their departure) at the five
shrines in the ancestral temple, and at the altars of
the hills and rivers which they will pass. They then
give (the business of) the state in charge to the five
officers, and take their journey, presenting the offer-
ings to the spirits of the road as they set forth.
When they return, they will announce (the fact) in
person to their grandfather and father1, and will
charge the officer of prayer and the recorder to
make announcement of it at the altars where they
announced (their departure). (When this has been
done), they enter and give audience in the court.'

6. 3ang-jze asked, ' If the funerals of both parents -
take place together, what course is adopted ? Which
is first and which last ?'

Confucius said, ' The rule is that the burying of
the less important (mother) should have the prece-
dence, and that of the more important (father) follow,
while the offerings to them are set down in the
opposite order. From the opening of the apartment
and conveying out the coffin (of the mother) till its
interment no offerings are put down ; when the
coffin is on the route to the grave, there is no wail-
ing at the regular place for that ceremony. When
they return from this interment, they set down the
offerings (to the father), and afterwards announce
(to his spirit) when the removal of his coffin will take

1 There would seem to be an omission in the former of these
sentences of the announcement to the grandfathers.

2 Or grandparents.

316 THE LI kI.

BK. V.

place, and proceed to arrange for the interment. It
is the rule that the sacrifice of repose should first be
offered to the more important (father), and afterwards
to the less important (mother).'

7. Confucius said 1, ' The eldest son, even though
seventy, should never be without a wife to take her
part in presiding at the funeral rites. If there be
no such eldest son, the rites may be performed with-
out a presiding wife.'

8. 3ang-jze asked, ' It has been proposed to invest
a son with the cap, and the investors have arrived,
and after exchanging bows and courtesies (with the
master of the house), have entered. If then news
should come that the death of some relative has oc-
curred, for whom a year's mourning or that of nine
months must be worn, what should be done ?'

Confucius said, ' If the death has taken place
within (the circle of the same surname), the ceremony
should be given up2 ; but if without (that circle), it
will go on, but the sweet wine will not be presented
to the youth. The viands will be removed and the
place swept, after which he will go to his proper posi-
tion and wail. If the investors have not yet arrived,
the capping will be given up (for the time) 3.

9. ' If the arrangements for the capping have been

1 The words of Confucius are here, as in some other paragraphs,
not preceded by the formula, ' 3ang-jze asked.' Some say this is
an omission, intentional or unintentional, of the compiler. Some
commentators deride the judgment (see especially Ho A'ung-yu),
holding it unworthy of Confucius.

2 Because then a festal and a mourning service would come
together in the ancestral temple.

3 The investors may have previously heard of the death, and
not kept their appointment.

SECT. I. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-3ZE. 31 7

made, but before the day arrives, an occasion for the
one year's mourning, or for that of nine months, or
five months, have arrived, the youth shall be capped
in his mourning dress.'

10. 'When all mourning is over, may a son conti-
nue to wear the cap which he has hitherto worn1?'

Confucius said, ' When the son of Heaven gives to
the (young) prince of a state or a Great officer his
robes and the cap proper to each in the grand ances-
tral temple, the youth on his return home will set
forth his offering (in his own ancestral temple), wear-
ing the robes that have been given to him, and here
he will drink the cup of capping (as if) offered by
his father2, without the cup of wine at the ceremony.

ii. 'When a son is (thus) capped after his father's
death, he is considered to be properly capped ; he
will sweep the ground, and sacrifice at his father's
shrine. This being done, he will present himself
before his uncles, and then offer the proper courtesies
to the investors.'

12. 3ang-$ze asked, 'Under what circumstances
is it that at sacrifice they do not carry out the prac-
tice of all drinking to one another ?'

Confucius said, ' I have heard that at the close of
the one year's mourning, the principal concerned in it

1 Till he was capped, a youth wore nothing on his head. But
in the case supposed the youth's time for capping had arrived;
and he had assumed a cap without the ceremony.

2 When a father gave orders to his son about his capping or
marriage, he gave him a cup of ordinary wine. The sweet wine
was given to the youth by a friend or friends who had invested
him with the cap. The real answer to 3ang-jze's question is in
paragraph u.

3l8 THE LI k\.

BK. V.

sacrifices in his inner garment of soft silk, and there
is not that drinking all round. The cup is set down
beside the guests, but they do not take it up. This is
the rule. Formerly duke A'ao of Lu *, while in that
silken garment, took the cup and sent it all round,
but it was against the rule; and duke Hao2, at the
end of the second year's mourning, put down the
cup presented to him, and did not send it all round,
but this also was against the rule.'

13. 3^ngize asked, ' In a case (of the) mourning
for nine months, can (the principal) take part in con-
tributing to the offerings (to the dead of others) ?'

Confucius said, ' Why speak only of (the mourn-
ing for) nine months ? In all cases from (the mourn-
ing for) three years downwards, it may be done.
This is the rule.'

3ang-$ze said, ' Would not this be making the
mourning of little importance, and attaching (undue)
importance to mutual helpfulness ?'

Confucius said, ' This is not what I mean. When
there is mourning for the son of Heaven or the
prince of a state, (all) who wear the sackcloth with
the jagged edges (will contribute to) the offerings.
At the mourning of a Great officer, (all) who wear
the sackcloth with the even edges will do so. At
the mourning of an ordinary officer, his associates
and friends will do so. If all these be not sufficient,
they may receive contributions from all who should
mourn for nine months downwards ; and if these be
still insufficient, they will repeat the process3.'

1 b.c. 541-510.

2 b. c. 795-769. This is going a long way back.

5 On this paragraph P. Zottoli says : — ' 3ang-jze petit an

SECT. I. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-3ZE. 3IQ

14. 3^ngize asked, (Ina case of the mourning for
five months, may (the principal) take part in the
other sacrifices (of mourning)1 ?'

Confucius said, ' Why speak only of the mourning
for five months ? In all cases from the mourning for
three years downwards, (the principals) take part in
those sacrifices.'

3ang-jze said, ' Would not this be making the
mourning of little importance, and giving (undue)
importance to the sacrifices ?'

Confucius said, ' In the mourning sacrifices for
the son of Heaven and the prince of a state, none
but those who wear the sackcloth with the jagged
edges take part in them. In those for a Great
officer, th ey who wear the sackcloth with the even
edees do so. In those for another officer, if the
participants be insufficient, they add to them from
their brethren who should wear mourning for nine
months downwards.'

15. 3angize asked, 'When acquaintances are in
mourning, may they participate in one another's
sacrifices ?'

Confucius said, ' When wearing the three months'
mourning, one has no occasion to sacrifice (in his own
ancestral temple), and how should he assist another
man (out of his own line) ?'

aliquis in novem mensium luctu constitutus possit adjuvare alterius
funestae familiae oblationem. Confucius intelligit de adjuvanda
proprii funeris oblatione.' There appears to be a similar misun-
derstanding between the two in the next paragraph.

1 Khung Ying-ta makes this out to be the sacrifices of repose,
and at the end of the wailing. I think the reference is more
general.

320 THE ii KL

BK. V.

1 6. 3a-ngize asked, ' When one has put off his
mourning, may he take part in contributing to the
offerings (for the dead of another) ?'

Confucius said, ' To take part in the offerings (to
another's dead), on putting off one's own sackcloth,
is contrary to the rule. Possibly, he may perform
the part of assisting him in receiving visitors.'

1 7. 3^ng-jze asked, ' According to the rules for
marriages, the presents have been received and a
fortunate day has been fixed ; — if then the father or
mother of the young lady die, what course should
be adopted ?'

Confucius said, ' The son-in-law will send some one
to condole ; and if it be his father or mother that has
died, the family of the lady will in the same way send
some to present their condolences. If the father
have died, (the messenger) will name the (other)
father (as having sent him); if the mother, he will
name the (other) mother. If both parents be dead
(on both sides), he will name the oldest uncle and his
wife. When the son-in-law has buried (his dead),
his oldest uncle will offer a release from the engage-
ment to the lady, saying, " My son, being occupied
with the mourning for his father or mother, and not
having obtained the right to be reckoned among your
brethren, has employed me to offer a release from
the engagement." (In this case) it is the rule for the
lady to agree to the message and not presume to
(insist on) the marriage (taking place immediately).
When the son-in-law has concluded his mourning, the
parents of the lady will send and request (the fulfil-
ment of the engagement). The son-in-law will not
(immediately come to) carry her (to his house), but
afterwards she will be married to him ; this is the

SECT. I. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-3ZE. 321

rule. If it be the father or mother of the lady who
died, the son-in-law will follow a similar course1.'

1 8. 3ang-$ze asked, 'The son-in-law has met the
lady in person, and she is on the way with him : — if
(then) his father or mother die, what course should
be adopted ? '

Confucius said, ' The lady will change her dress - ;
and in the long linen robe3, with the cincture of white
silk round her hair, will hasten to be present at the
mourning rites. If, while she is on the way, it be her
own father or mother who dies, she will return4.'

19. 'If the son-in-law have met the lady in person,
and before she has arrived at his house, there occur
a death requiring the year's or the nine months'
mourning, what course should be adopted ?'

Confucius said, ' Before the gentleman enters, he
will change his dress in a place outside. The lady
will enter and change her dress in a place inside.
They will then go to the proper positions and wail.'

3ang-jze asked, ' When the mourning is ended, will
they not resume the marriage ceremonies?'

1 Is the final marriage of the lady to the original betrothed
' son-in-law,' or bridegroom as we should say ; or to another, that
she may not pass the proper time for her marrying? Khung
Ying-ta, and other old commentators, advocate the latter view.
Others, and especially the A^ien-lung editors, maintain the former ;
and I have indicated in the version my agreement with them.
There are difficulties with the text; but Confucius would hardly
have sanctioned the other course.

2 At the house of him who was now her husband.

3 This, called ' the deep garment,' had the body and skirt sown
together. See Book XXXIV.

4 This would be done, it is said, by Hsu Sze-jhang (Ming
dynasty), to allow play to her filial piety, but she would live at the
house of ' the son-in-law.'

[27] Y

32 2 THE hi Kl. BK. V.

Confucius said, ' It is the rule, that when the time
of sacrifice has been allowed to pass by, it is not then
offered. Why in this case should they go back to
what must have taken place previously?'

20. Confucius said, ' The family that has married
a daughter away, does not extinguish its candles for
three nights, thinking of the separation that has taken
place. The family that has received the (new) wife
for three days has no music ; thinking her bridegroom
is now in the place of his parents1. After three
months she presents herself in the ancestral temple,
and is styled " The new wife that has come." A day
is chosen for her to sacrifice at the shrine of her
father-in-law ; expressing the idea of her being (now)
the established wife.'

21. 3ang_3ze asked, 'If the lady die before she has
presented herself in the ancestral temple, what course
should be adopted?'

Confucius said, ' (Her coffin) should not be removed
to the ancestral temple, nor should (her tablet) be
placed next to that of her mother-in-law. The hus-
band should not carry the staff ; nor wear the shoes
of straw ; nor have a (special) place (for wailing).
She should be taken back, and buried among her
kindred of her own family ; — showing that she had
not become the established wife.'

22. 3angize asked, ' The fortunate day has been
fixed for taking the lady (to her new home), and she
dies (in the meantime) : — what should be done?'

Confucius said, ' The son-in-law will come to con-
dole, wearing the one year's mourning, which he will

1 This and the statements that follow suppose that the bride-
groom's parents are dead.

SECT. I. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG 3ZE. 323

lay aside when the interment has taken place. If it
be the husband who dies, a similar course will be
followed on the other side.'

23- 3ang-jze asked, 'Is it according to rule that at
the mourning rites there should be two (performing
the part of) the orphan son (and heir, receiving
visitors)1, or that at a temple-shrine there should be
two spirit-tablets ? '

Confucius said, ' In heaven there are not two suns ;
in a country there are not two kings2; in the seasonal
sacrifices, and those to Heaven and Earth3, there are
not two who occupy the highest place of honour. I
do not know that what you ask about is according to
rule. Formerly duke Hwan of Khi4, going frequently
to war, made fictitious tablets and took them with him
on his expeditions, depositing them on his return in
the ancestral temple5. The practice of having two
tablets in a temple-shrine originated from duke Hwan.
As to two (playing the part of the) orphan son, it
may be thus explained : — Formerly, on occasion of a
visit to Lu by duke Ling of Wei, the mourning rites
of Ki Hwan-jze were in progress. The ruler of
Wei requested leave to offer his condolences. Duke
Ai (of Lu) 6 declined (the ceremony), but could not

1 The Chinese characters mean simply ' two orphans.' Neither
Khang-hsi nor any English-Chinese dictionary explains the peculiar
use of the term here ; nor is Confucius' explanation satisfactory, or
to the point.

2 Compare paragraphs 5, 8, III, iii, pages 224-226.

' See the ' Doctrine of the Mean/ 1 9, 6, Chinese Classics, vol. i.
4 b.c. 685-643.

' Literally ' the temple-shrine of his grandfather ; ' but I think
the name must have the general meaning I have given.

6 It has been shown that the ruler of Wei here could not be

Y 2

324 THE LI Ki.

BK. V.

enforce his refusal. He therefore acted as the
principal (mourner), and the visitor came in to con-
dole with him. Khang-jze stood on the right of the
gate with his face to the north. The duke, after the
usual bows and courtesies, ascended by the steps on
the east with his face towards the west. The visitor
ascended by those on the west, and paid his condo-
lences. The duke bowed ceremoniously to him, and
then rose up and wailed, while Khang-jze bowed with
his forehead to the ground, in the position where he
was. The superintending officers made no attempt
to put the thing to rights. The having two now
acting as the orphan son arose from the error of A"i
Khang-^ze/

24. 3ang-$ze asked, 'Anciently when an army went
on an expedition, was it not first necessary to carry
with it the spirit-tablets that had been removed from
their shrines1?'

Confucius said, ' When the son of Heaven went on
his tours of Inspection, he took (one of) those tablets
along with him, conveying it in the carriage of Rever-
ence, thus intimating how it was felt necessary to
have with him that object of honour2. The practice

duke Ling. He must have been duke Khu. But this error dis-
credits the view of the statement having come from Confucius.

1 See note 2 and plan of the royal ancestral temple of K?m
on pages 223-225.

2 This, it is said, was the tablet of the royal ancestor which had
been last removed from its shrine, and placed in the shrine-house
for all such removed tablets. The carriage of Reverence was the
' metal-guilt ' carriage of the king, second to that adorned with
jade, in which he rode to sacrifice. Zottoli renders : — ' Imperator
perlustrans custodita, cum translatitii delubri tabella peragrabat,
imposita super casti curru, significatum necessarian! praesentiam
superioris.'

SECT. I. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-3ZE. T>2S

now-a-days of taking the tablets of the seven temple-
shrines along with them on an expedition is an error.
No shrine in all the seven (of the king), or in the five
of the prince of a state, ought to be (left) empty. A
shrine can only be so left without its tablet, when
the son of Heaven has died, or the prince of a state
deceased, or left his state, or when all the tablets are
brought together at the united sacrifice, in the shrine-
temple of the highest ancestor. I heard the follow-
ing statement from Lao Tan1 : — " On the death of the
son of Heaven, or of the prince of a state, it is the rule
that the officer of prayer should take the tablets from
all the other shrines and deposit them in that of the
high ancestor2. When the wailing was over, and
the business (of placing the tablet of the deceased in
its shrine) was completed, then every other tablet was
restored to its shrine. When a ruler abandoned his
state, it was the rule that the Grand minister should
take the tablets from all the shrines and follow him.
When there was the united sacrifice in the shrine of
the high ancestor, the officer of prayer met (and re-
ceived) the tablets from the four shrines. When they
were taken from their shrines or carried back to them
all were required to keep out of the way." So said
Lao Tan.'

1 This was, most probably, Lao-jze, though some of the com-
mentators deny it. A'ang says : ' Lao Tan, the title of old for men
of longevity, was a contemporary of Confucius ;' and Khkn Hao
quotes a note on this from Wang of Shih-liang, that ' This was not
the author of the " Five thousand words," ' i. e. of the Tao Teh
King.

2 While the special sacrifices and other funeral rites were going
on, the other sacrifices, which belonged to a different category of
rites, were suspended.

326

THE LI Kl. BK. V

25. 3ang-jze asked, 'Anciently, when they marched
on an expedition, and carried no displaced tablets
with them, what did they make their chief con-
sideration ?'

Confucius said, ' They made the instructions from
the tablet their chief consideration1.'

1 What does that mean?5 asked the other.

Confucius said, 'When the son of Heaven or the
prince of a state was about to go forth, he would,
with gifts of silk, skins, and jade-tokens, announce his
purpose at the shrines of his grandfather and father.
He then took those gifts with him, conveying them
on the march in the carriage of Reverence. At every
stage (of the march), he would place offerings of
food by them, and afterwards occupy the station.
On returning, they would make announcement (at
the same shrines), and when they had set forth (again)
their offerings, they would collect the silk and jade,
and bury them between the steps (leading) up to the
fane of the high ancestor ; after which they left the
temple. This was how they made the instructions
they received their chief consideration.'

26. 3ze-yu asked, ' Is it the rule to mourn for a
foster-mother2 as for a mother?'

1 Zottoli gives for this phrase simply ' adhaerebant numini,'
subjoining no note on it. The parties spoken of put down their
offerings before the shrines, announcing that they were about to
undertake such an expedition ; and taking it for granted that their
progenitors approved of their object, proceeded to carry it out, as
if they had received a charge from them to do so, carrying the
offerings with them in token of that charge from the spirits in the
tablets of the shrines. This view is distinctly set forth by Hwang
Khan (end of early Sung dynasty) and others.

2 This foster-mother was not what we call ' a nurse ;' but a lady

sect. i. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-3ZE. 327

Confucius said, ' It is not the rule. Anciently,
outside the palace, a boy had his master, and at i/*
home his foster-mother ; they were those whom the
ruler employed to teach his son ; — what ground should
these be for wearing mourning for them ? Formerly
duke A^ao of Lu having lost his mother when he
was little, had a foster-mother, who was good ; and
when she died, he could not bear (not) to mourn for
her, and wished to do so. The proper officer on hearing
of it, said, " According to the ancient rule, there is no
mourning for a foster-mother. If you wear this
mourning, you will act contrary to that ancient rule,
and introduce confusion into the laws of the state.
If you will after all do it, then we will put it on re-
cord, and transmit the act to the future ; — will not that
be undesirable ? " The duke said, " Anciently the
son of Heaven, when unoccupied and at ease, wore the
soft inner garment, assumed after the year's mourning,
and the cap." The duke could not bear not to wear
mourning, and on this he mourned for his foster-
mother in this garb. The mourning for a foster-
mother originated with duke iTao of Lu1.'

of the harem to whom the care of an orphan boy was entrusted ; — it
may have been after he ceased to be suckled. The reasoning of
Confucius goes on the assumption that mourning should be worn
only in cases of consanguinity or affinity ; and it may be inferred
from this that concubinage was not the most ancient rule in
China.

1 See the eleventh article in the forty-third chapter of the ' Nar-
ratives of the School,' where a similar, probably the same, con-
versation, with some variations, is found. The duke of Lu in it,
however, is not A'ao, but Hao; see paragraph 12, page 315.

328 THE LI Kl. BK. v.

Section II.

1. 3ang-jze asked, 'The princes are assembled in
a body to appear before the son of Heaven ; they
have entered the gate, but are not able to go through
with the rites (of audience) ; — how many occurrences
will make these be discontinued ?'

Confucius said, ' Four.' ' May I ask what they are ?'
said the other. The reply was : — ' The grand ancestral
temple taking fire ; an eclipse of the sun ; funeral
rites of the queen ; their robes all unsightly through
soaking rain. If, when the princes are all there, an
eclipse of the sun take place, they follow the son of
Heaven to save it1; each one dressed in the colour
of his quarter, and with the weapon proper to it2.
If there be a fire in the grand ancestral temple, they
follow him to extinguish it without those robes and
weapons.'

2. 3^ngize said, ' Princes are visiting one another.
(The strangers) have entered the gate after the
customary bowings and courtesies, but they are not
able to go through with the rites (of audience) ; —
how many occurrences will make these be discon-
tinued ?'

Confucius said, ' Six;' and, in answer to the ques-

1 The phenomenon of an eclipse suggested the idea of some
enemy or adverse influence devouring the sun's disk.

2 The colour appropriate to the east was green, and the weapon
the spear with two hooks ; the colour of the south was red, and
the weapon the spear with one hook and two points ; the colour
of the west was white, and the weapon the bow ; the colour of the
north was black, and the weapon the shield; the colour of the
centre was yellow, and the weapon the drum.

SECT. II. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-3ZE. Z29

tion as to what they were, replied : — ' The death of
the son of Heaven; the grand ancestral temple
taking fire ; an eclipse of the sun ; the funeral rites of
the queen or of the princess of the state ; and their
robes all unsightly through soaking rain.'

3. 3ang-jze said, ' At the seasonal sacrifices of the
son of Heaven, at those to Heaven and Earth, and
at (any of) the five sacrifices of the house, after the
vessels, round and square, with their contents have
been set forth, if there occur the death of the son of
Heaven or mourning rites for the queen, what should
be done?'

Confucius said, ' The sacrifice should be stopped.'
The other asked, 'If, during the sacrifice, there occur
an eclipse of the sun, or the grand ancestral temple
take fire, what should be done ?' The reply was,
' The steps of the sacrifice should be hurried on. If
the victim have arrived, but has not yet been slain,
the sacrifice should be discontinued.

4. 'When the son of Heaven has died and is not
yet coffined, the sacrifices of the house are not
offered. When he is coffined, they are resumed ; but
at any one of them the representative of the dead
takes (only) three mouthfuls (of the food), and is not
urged (to take more). He is then presented with a
cup, but does not respond by presenting another,
and there is an end (of the ceremony). From the
removal of the coffin to the return (from the burial)
and the subsequent wailing, those sacrifices (again)
cease. After the burial they are offered, but when
the officer of prayer has finished the cup presented
to him, they stop.'

5. 3ang-jze asked, 'At the sacrifices to the spirits

;3Q THE LI kL

BK. V.

of the land and grain proper to the feudal princes, if,
after the stands and vessels, with their contents, have
been arranged, news arrive. of the death of the son of
Heaven or of the mourning rites for his queen, or if
the ruler die or there be mourning rites for his con-
sort, what should be done ?'

Confucius said, ' The sacrifice should be discon-
tinued. From the ruler's death to the coffining, and
from the removal of the coffin to the return (from
the burial) and the (subsequent) wailing, they will
follow the example set by the son of Heaven1.'

6. 3^ng-jze asked, ' At the sacrifices of a Great
officer2, when the tripods and stands have been
arranged, and the dishes of bamboo and wood, with
their contents, have been set forth, but they are not
able to go through with the rites, how many occur-
rences will cause them to be discontinued ?'

Confucius said, ' Nine ;' and when asked what they
were, he added : — ' The death of the son of Heaven;
funeral rites for his queen ; the death of the ruler (of
the state) ; funeral rites for his consort ; the ruler's
grand ancestral temple taking fire; an eclipse of the
sun; (a call to) the three years' mourning; to that of
one year; or to that of nine months. In all these
cases the sacrifice should be given up. If the
mourning be merely for relatives by affinity, from
all degrees of it up to the twelve months, the sacri-
fice will go on. At one where the mourning is
worn for twelve months, the representative of the
dead, after entering, will take (only) three mouthfuls
(of the food), and not be urged to take (any more).

1 As given in the preceding paragraphs.

2 In his ancestral temple.

SECT. II. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-3ZE. 33 1

He will be presented with a cup, but will not respond
by presenting one in return, and there will be an
end (of the ceremony). Where the mourning is for
nine months, after he has presented the responsive
cup, the thing will end. Where it is for five or for
three months, it will not end till all the observances
in the apartment are gone through. What distin-
guishes the proceedings of an ordinary officer is,
that he does not sacrifice when wearing the three
months' mourning. He sacrifices, however, if the
dead to whom he does so had no relationship with
him requiring him to wear mourning/

7. 3ang-jze asked, ' May one, wearing the three
years' mourning for a parent, go to condole with
others ?'

Confucius said, ' On the completion of the first of
the three years, one should not be seen standing with
others, or going along in a crowd. With a superior
man the use of ceremonies is to give proper and
elegant expression to the feelings. Would it not be
an empty form l to go and condole and wail with
others, while wearing the three years' mourning?'

8. 3ang-$ze asked, ' If a Great officer or ordinary
officer be in mourning for a parent2 he may put it
off3; and if he be in mourning for his ruler, under
what conditions will he put that off?'

Confucius said, ' If he have the mourning for his

1 How could he, occupied with his own sorrow, offer anything
but an empty form of condolence to others ?

2 Literally ' private mourning,' as below ; but evidently the
master and disciple both had the mourning for a parent in
mind.

3 On his having to go into mourning for his ruler.

|32 THE Li KI.

BK. V.

ruler on his person, he will not venture to wear any
private mourning ; — what putting off can there be ?
In this case, even if the time be passed (for any
observances which the private mourning would re-
quire), he will not put it off. When the mourning
for the ruler is put off, he will then perform the
great sacrifices (of his private mourning)1. This
is the rule.'

9. 3ang-$ze asked, ' But is it allowable thus to give
up all the mourning rites for a parent through this
keeping on of the mourning (for a ruler)?'

Confucius said, 'According to the ceremonies as
determined by the ancient kings, it is the rule that
when the time has passed (for the observance of any
ceremony), there should be no attempt to perform it.
It is not that one could not keep from not putting
off the mourning ; but the evil would be in his going
beyond the definite statute. Therefore it is that a
superior man does not offer a sacrifice, when the
proper time for doing so has passed.'

10. 3angize said, 'If, when the ruler has died, and
is now lying in his coffin, the minister be called to
the funeral rites for his father or mother, what course
will he pursue ?'

Confucius said, ' He should go home and remain
there ; going indeed to the ruler's for the great

1 That is, the rightful son and heir may then perform the sacri-
fice marking the close of the first year's mourning for a parent,
and that marking the close of the second year's mourning in the
month after. But K/ian Hao argues that it was only the rightful
son who could thus go back and offer the sacrifices proper to the
mourning rites for parents, and that the other sons could not do
so. This is the case underlying the next paragraph.

SECT. ii. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-3ZE. 333

services (to the departed), but not for those of
every morning and evening1.'

11. (3ang-jze asked), 'If, when they have begun
to remove the coffin, the minister be called to the
funeral rites for his father or mother, how should
he do ? '

Confucius said, ' He should go home and wail,
and then return and accompany the funeral of the
ruler.'

12. 'If,' said (Sang^ze), 'before the ruler has
been coffined, a minister be called to the funeral
rites for his father or mother, what should be
his course ? '

Confucius said, ' He should go home, and have the
deceased put into the coffin, returning (then) to the
ruler's. On occasion of the great services, he will
go home, but not for those of every morning and
evening. In the case of a Great officer, the chief
servant of the household will attend to matters ; in
the case of an ordinary officer, a son or grandson.
When there are the great services at the ruler's, the
wife of the Great officer will also go there, but not
for those of every morning and evening.'

13. One in a low position should not pronounce
the eulogy of another in a high, nor a younger man
that of one older than himself. In the case of the
son of Heaven, they refer to Heaven as giving his

1 It has been seen that morning and evening offerings to the
dead were placed near the coffin. On the first and fifteenth of
the month these were on a great scale, and with special ob-
servances,— at the new and full moon. They were ' the great
services.' The practice still continues.

334 THE L^ K*-

BK. V.

eulogy. It is not the rule for princes of states to
deliver the eulogy of one another1.

14. 3ang-,$ze asked, ' When a ruler goes across the
boundary of his own state, he takes with him his inner
coffin as a precaution for the preparations against the
three years' (mourning rites) for him2. I f he die (abroad),
what are the proceedings on his being brought back ?'

Confucius said, ' The clothes to be put on him
after the coffining having been provided, the son in
the linen cap, with the sackcloth band round it,
wearing coarse sackcloth and the shoes of straw, and
carrying a staff, will enter by the opening made in
the wall of the apartment for the coffin, having as-
cended by the western steps. If the slighter dressing
(preparatory to the coffining) have still (to be made),
the son will follow the bier without a cap, enter by
the gate, and ascend by the steps on the east. There
is one and the same rule for a ruler, a Great officer,
and an ordinary officer.'

15. 3ang-$ze asked, ' If one is occupied in drawing
(the carriage with the bier on it) at the funeral rites
of his ruler, and is then called to the funeral rites of
his father or mother, what should he do ?'

1 The eulogy has in China for more than a thousand years taken
the form of inscriptions on tombs and sacrificial compositions ; of
which there are many elegant and eloquent specimens. It should
be summed up in the honorary title. Truth, however, might require
that that should be the reverse of eulogistic; and perhaps this led
to its being conferred, as a rule, by one superior in rank and
position. The honorary title of a deceased sovereign was first
proclaimed at the great sacrifice to Heaven at the winter solstice ;
and hence it is referred to in the text as coming from Heaven!

2 That is, I think, simply, ' as a precaution against his dying
while abroad.' Zottoli renders : — ' Regulus excedens confinia, ut
in tres annos praecaveatur, habit sandapilam sequacem.'

SECT. II. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-3ZE. 335

Confucius said, ' He should complete what he is
eno-ao-ed in ; and when the coffin has been let down
into the grave, return home, without waiting for the
departure of the (ruler's) son.'

1 6. 3ang-jze asked, 'If one, occupied with the
funeral rites of a parent, has (assisted in) drawing
the bier to the path (to the grave), and there hear
of the death of his ruler, what should he do ?'

Confucius said, ' He should complete the burial ;
and, when the coffin has been let down, he should
change his dress, and go to (the ruler's).'

1 7. 3ang-$ze asked, ' If the eldest son by the
proper wife be (only) an officer, and a son by a
secondary wife be a Great officer, how will the latter
proceed in his sacrificing?'

Confucius said, ' He will sacrifice, with the victims
belonging to his higher rank, in the house of the
eldest son. The officer of prayer will say, ' So
and So, the filial son, in behalf of So and So, the
attendant son, presents his regular offering1."

18. 'If the eldest son, now the head of the family,
be residing, in consequence of some charge of guilt,
in another state, and a son by a secondary wife be a
Great officer, when (the latter) is offering a sacrifice
(for the other), the officer of prayer will say, ;( So

1 Here two things were in collision. The oldest son by the
proper wife was the representative of the father, and only he could
preside at the service in the ancestral temple of the family. But
here an inferior son has been advanced to a higher rank than his
older brother. As a Great officer he is entitled to have three
shrine temples ; but it would be contrary to the solidarity of the
family for him to erect an ancestral temple for himself. The
difficulty is met in the way described, the sacrifice being ascribed
to the elder brother, as head of the family.

336 THE LI K$. bk. V.

and So, the filial son, employs the attendant son, So
and So, to perform for him the regular service."
(In this case, however), the principal in this vicarious
service will not conduct the sacrifice so as to see that
the spirit of the deceased is satisfied to the full ; nor
send the cup round among all who are present, nor
receive the blessing (at the close) ; nor lay on the
ground the portions of the sacrifice as thank-offer-
ings ; nor have with him (the wife of the elder
brother) who should appear before the spirit-tablet
of her mother-in-law, the wife of the deceased. He
will put down the cup before the (principal) guests,
but they will put it down (in another place), and not
send it round. He will not send to them portions
of the flesh. In his address to the guests (at the
beginning of the service), he will say, " My honoured
brother, the honoured son (of our father), being in
another state, has employed me, So and So, to make
announcement to you1.'"

19. 3^ng-jze asked, ' If the eldest son have gone
and is in another state, while a son by a secondary

1 This paragraph continues the case in the preceding, with the
additional circumstances that the head of the family is a fugitive
from it, and that the sacrifice referred to in it is performed by the
inferior brother remaining in the state, in lieu of him. It is
difficult to translate without amplification so as to be intelligible,
because of what may be called the technical terms in it. The five
points in which the service was deficient, different from what it
would have been, if performed by the proper brother, are given in
the reverse order of their regular occurrence ; whether designedly
or not, we cannot tell. For that portion of the paragraph P. Zottoli
gives: — • Sed vicarius dominus vacabit satis fa ctionis sacrificio ;
vacabit universali propinatione; vacabit benedictione; vacabit
consternationis sacrificio; vacabit copulatione;' append-
ing a note to explain the terms.

SECT. II. TI1E QUESTIONS OF 3ANGr3ZE. 337

wife, and without rank, remains at home, may the
latter offer the sacrifice ?'

Confucius said, ' Yes, certainly.' ' And how will
he sacrifice ?' 'He will rear an altar in front of
the (family-)grave, and there he will sacrifice at the
different seasons. If the oldest son die, he will
announce the event at the grave, and afterwards
sacrifice in the house, calling himself, however, only
by his name, and abstaining from the epithet " filial."
This abstinence will cease after his death.' The
disciples of 3ze~)'u> m the case °f sons by inferior
wives sacrificing, held that this practice was in
accordance with what was right. Those of them
who sacrifice now-a-days do not ground their prac-
tice on this principle of right ; — they have no truth-
ful ground for their sacrifices1.

20. 3angize asked, ' Is it necessary that there
should be a representative of the dead in sacrifice ?
or may he be dispensed with as when the satisfying
offerings are made to the dead ?'

Confucius said, 'In sacrificing to a full-grown man
for whom there have been the funeral rites, there
must be such a representative, who should be a
grandson; and if the grandson be too young, some
one must be employed to carry him in his arms. If
there be no grandson, some one of the same sur-
name should be selected for the occasion. In
sacrificing to one who has died prematurely, there
are (only) the satisfying offerings, for he was not

1 These last two sentences evidently should not be ascribed to
Confucius. It was only after his death that 3ze_yu would have a
school of his own. They must have been written moreover after
the death of 3ze-yCi.

M Z

338 THE LI #1. BK. V.

full-grown. To sacrifice to a full-grown man, for
whom there have been the funeral rites without a
representative, would be to treat him as if he had
died prematurely.'

21. Confucius said, ' There is the offering of satis-
faction made in the dark chamber, and that made in
the brighter place.'

3ang-jze answered with a question, ' But to one
who has died prematurely there is not made a com-
plete sacrifice ; what do you mean by speaking of
two satisfying offerings, the dark and the bright ?'

Confucius said, ' When the oldest son, who would
take the father's place, dies prematurely, no brother
by an inferior wife can be his successor. At the
auspicious sacrifice to him1, there is a single bullock ;
but the service being to one who died prematurely,
there is no presentation (of the lungs), no stand with
the heart and tongue, no dark-coloured spirits2, no
announcement of the nourishment being completed.
This is what is called the dark satisfying offering.
In regard to all others who have died prematurely
and have left no offspring, the sacrifice is offered to
them in the house of the oldest son, where the apart-
ment is most light, with the vases in the chamber on
the east. This is what is called the bright satisfying
offering.'

22. 3ang-jze asked, 'At a burial, when the bier
has been drawn to the path (leading to the place), if
there happen an eclipse of the sun, is any change
made or not ?'

1 The first auspicious sacrifice took place when the ceremony
of wailing was over.

2 A name for water.

SECT. ir. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-3ZE. 339

Confucius said, ' Formerly, along with Lao Tan1,
I was assisting at a burial in the village of
Hsiang, and when we had got to the path, the sun
was eclipsed. Lao Tan said to me, " AV^iu, let the
bier be stopped on the left of the road2 ; and then
let us wail and wait till the eclipse pass away. When
it is light again, we will proceed." He said that this
was the rule. When we had returned and completed
the burial, I said to him, "In the progress of a bier
there should be no returning. When there is an
eclipse of the sun, we do not know whether it will pass
away quickly or not, would it not have been better
to go on?" Lao Tan said, "When the prince of a
state is going to the court of the son of Heaven, he
travels while he can see the sun. At sun-down he
halts, and presents his offerings (to the spirit of the
way). When a Great officer is on a mission, he
travels while he can see the sun, and at sun-down
he halts. Now a bier does not set forth in the early
morning, nor does it rest anywhere at night ; but
those who travel by star-light are only criminals
and those who are hastening to the funeral rites of
a parent. When there is an eclipse of the sun,
how do we know that we shall not see the stars ?
And moreover, a superior man, in his performance
of rites, will not expose his relatives to the risk of
distress or evil." This is what I heard from Lao
Tan/

2 3- S^ngize asked, 'In the case of one dying
where he is stopping, when discharging a mission for

1 This was Lao-jze, ' the old master.' It seems better to keep
Lao as if it had been the surname. See paragraph 24, p. 325.

2 The east of the road. Graves were north of the towns,

Z 2

;40

THE Li in. BK. V.

his ruler, the rules say1 that, (if he die) in a govern-
ment hotel his spirit shall be recalled ; but not, (if he
die) in a private one2. But to whatever state a com-
missioner may be sent, the lodging which may be
assigned to him by the proper officer becomes a
public hotel ; — what is the meaning of his spirit not
being recalled, (if he die) in a private one ?'

Confucius said, 'You have asked well. The houses
of a high minister, a Great officer, or an ordinary
officer, may be called private hotels. The govern-
ment hotel, and any other which the government
may appoint, may be called a public hotel. In
this you have the meaning of that saying that the
spirit is recalled at a public hotel.'

24. 3angize asked, ' Children dying prematurely,
between eight and eleven, should be buried in
the garden in a brick grave, and carried thither
on a contrivance serving the purpose of a car-
riage, the place being near ; but now if the grave
is chosen at a distance, what do you say about
their being buried there V

Confucius said, T have heard this account from
Lao Tan: — "Formerly," he said, "the recorder
Yi had a son who died thus prematurely, and the
grave was distant. The duke of Shao said to
him, ' Why not shroud and coffin him in your
palace ?' The recorder said, ' Dare I do so ? ' The

1 Where these rules are to be found I do not know.

2 I use ' hotel ' here in the French meaning of the term. We
must suppose that ' the private hotel ' about which 3ang-jze asked
was one to which the commissioner had gone without the in-
structions of the state ; and, as the .Oien-lung editors say, * the
rites were therefore so far diminished.'

SECT. II. THE QUESTIONS OF 3ANG-3ZE. 34 J

duke of Shao spoke about it to the duke of Aau,
who said, ' Why may it not be done ? ' and the
recorder did it. The practice of coffins for boys
who have died so prematurely, and shrouding them,
began with the recorder Yi."

25. 3ang-jze asked, 'A minister or a Great officer
is about to act the part of a personator of the dead
for his ruler. If, when he has received (orders) to
pass the night in solemn vigil, there occur in his
own family an occasion for him to wear the robe
of hemmed sackcloth, what should he do ?'

Confucius said, ' The rule is for him to leave (his
house) and lodge in a state hotel, and wait till (the
ruler's) business is accomplished.'

26. Confucius said,' When one who has represented
the dead comes forth in the (officer's) leathern cap,
or the (Great officer's) tasseled cap (which he has
worn), ministers, Great officers, and other officers, all
will descend from their carriages (when his passes).
He will bow forward to them, and he will also have
a forerunner (to notify his approach).'

27. 3ze-hsia asked, 'There is such a thing as no
longer declining military service, after the wailing in
the three years' mourning has come to an end. Is
this the rule ? or was it at first required })y the
officers (of the state) ? '

Confucius said, ' Under the sovereigns of Hsia, as
soon as the coffining in the three years' mourning
was completed, they resigned all their public duties.
Under Yin they did so as soon as the interment was
over. Is not this the meaning of what we find in
the record, that " the ruler does not take from men
their affection to their parents, nor do men take
from their parents their filial duty ?"

342 THE Li kL bk. v.

28. 3ze-hsia asked, ' Is then not declining military
service (during mourning) to be condemned ? '

Confucius said, ' I heard from Lao Tan that duke
Po-/'^in engaged once in such service, when there was
occasion for it ; but I do not know if I should allow
it in those who seek (by it) their own advantage
during the period of the three years' mourning1.'

1 Po/Win was the son of the duke of Ka.u, and the first marquis
of Lu. The time of his entering on the rule of that state was a
very critical one in the kingdom ; and though it was then, it would
appear, the period of his mourning for his mother's death, he
discharged his public duty in the time of his own grief.

BOOK VI. WAN WANG SHIH 3ZE

OR
KING WAN AS SON AND HEIR1.

Section I.

i. Thus did king Wan act when he was eldest son
and heir : — Thrice a day he made a visit in due form
to king Ki. When the cock first crowed he dressed
himself, and going to the outside of the bedroom,
asked one of the servants of the interior who was
in attendance how the king was and if he were well.
WTien told that he was well, the prince was glad.
At midday he repeated the visit in the same way ;
and so he did again in the evening2. If the king-
were not so well as usual, the servant would tell the
prince, and then his sorrow appeared in his counte-
nance, and his walk was affected and disturbed.
When king K\ took his food again, Wan recovered
his former appearance. When the food went up (to
the king), he would examine it and see if it were
cold and hot as it ought to be3. When it came
down, he asked of what dishes the king had eaten.
He gave orders to the cook that none of the dishes
should go up again, and withdrew on receiving the
cook's assurance accordingly4.

1 See the introduction, pages 22, 23.

2 It was the duty of a son to wait on his father twice a day, — at
morning and night. King Wan showed his filial duty by pa) ing
king K\ a third visit.

3 According to the season.

4 According to the ordinary dates in Chinese chronology, king

344 THE Li K^>

BK. VI.

2. King Wii acted according to the example (of
Wan), not presuming to go (in anything) beyond it.
When king Wan was ill, Wu nursed him without
taking off his cap or girdle. When king Wan took
a meal, he also took a meal ; and when king Wan
took a second, he did the same. It was not till after
twelve days that he intermitted his attentions.

King Wan said to Wu, ' What have you been
dreaming?' 'I dreamt,' was the reply, 'that God
gave me nine ling ?' ' And what do you think was
the meaning?' King Wu said, 'There are nine states
in the west ; — may it not mean that you will yet
bring them all under your happy sway ?' Wan
said, ' That was not the meaning. Anciently they
called a year ling. The age is also called ling.
I am 100 ; and you are 90. I give you three
years.' King Wan was 97 when he died, and
king Wu was 93 1.

3. King jOang, being quite young, could not per-
form his part at the eastern steps2. The duke of
A'au acted as regent, trod those steps, and adminis-

Wan was born in b. c. 1258, and named A^ang (M). King K\
died in 1185, when he was in his seventy-fourth year.

1 It is difficult to understand and interpret the latter half of this
paragraph. The A7jien-lung editors say that, according to the
ordinary accounts, king Wu was born when Wan was fifteen
years old, and there was an elder son, Yi-khao, who died pre-
maturely ; whereas king Wu died at 93, leaving his son Sung
(king Khing) only seven years old. ' Wan,' they said, ' must
have married very early, and Wu very late.' They say also that
they cannot understand the text that Wan gave to his son ' three
years,' &c, and suppose that some erroneous tradition has here
been introduced.

The king received his nobles at the top of the eastern steps.
The phrase =' in the government of the kingdom.'

SECT. I. WAN WANG sum 3ze. 345

tered the government. He illustrated the rules for
the behaviour of a young heir in his treatment of
Po-Min, that king AV^ang might thereby know the
courses to be pursued by father and son, ruler and
minister, old and young. When he committed an
error, the duke punished Vo-i'hm. This was the
way in which he showed king K/iang his duty as the
son and heir.

4. So much on the way in which king Wan acted
as son and heir.

5. In teaching the heir-sons (of the king and
feudal princes), and young men (chosen from their
aptitude) for learning1, the subjects were different at
different seasons. In spring and summer they were
taught the use of the shield and spear ; in autumn
and winter that of the feather and flute : — all in the
eastern school. The inferior directors of Music -
taught the use of the shield aided by the great
assistants. The flute masters taught the use of
the spear, aided by the subdirectors, while the
assistants regulated by the drum (the chanting of)
the Nan3.

In spring they recited (the pieces), and in summer

1 These ' scholars,' no doubt, were those of whose selection for \/
the higher instruction we have an account in the fourth and other
paragraphs of Section IV, Book III.

2 These are mentioned in the ' Royal Regulations,' though the
title does not occur in the Khx Li. They are supposed to be the
same as its ' music masters ' ( Yo Sze, Book XXII).

3 This clause about the 'drum' is perplexing to a translator.
It destroys the symmetry of the paragraph. What we are to
understand by the 'Nan' is also much disputed. I suppose the
term should embrace the two Nan, or two first Books of the Shih,
Part I. Compare the Shih II, vi, 4. 4.

346 THE LI sl.

bk. VI.

they played on the guitar, — being taught by the
grand master in the Hall of the Blind1. In autumn
they learned ceremonies, — being instructed by the
masters of ceremonies. In winter they read the
book of History, — being instructed by the guardians
of it. Ceremonies were taught in the Hall of the
Blind ; the book in the upper school.

1 The names of these different schools are also very perplexing;
and I here give a note about them by Liu Zkng of our eleventh
century. ' Under the J£au dynasty they had its own schools and
those of the three former dynasties ; four buildings, all erected in
proximity to one another. Most in the centre was the Pi Yung
of Kiu itself. On the north of it was the school of Shun (the lord
Yii) ; on the east that of Hsia ; and on the west that of Shang.
Those who were learning the use (in dancing) of the shield and
spear, and of the plume and flute, went to the eastern school ; those
who were learning ceremonies went to that of Shang ; and those
who were learning history, to that of Shun. In the Pi Yung the
son of Heaven nourished the old, sent forth his armies, matured
his plans, received prisoners, and practised archery. When he
came to the Pi Yung, they came from all the other three schools,
and stood round the encircling water to look at him. There
were also schools on the plan of Shun — the hsiang (Jp)— in
the large districts (the |||$, containing 12500 families); others
on the plan of Hsia— the hsii (ff~) —in the AT&u, or smaller dis-
tricts (the f\\, containing 2500 families); and others still on
the plan of Shang — the hsiao (jffi) — in the Tang Q|i), or
those still smaller (containing 500 families). These were all
schools for young boys. The most promising scholars (in the
family schools) were removed to the hsiang; the best in the
hsiang, again to the hsii; and the best in the hsii, to the hsiao.
The best in these were removed finally to the great school (or
college) in the suburbs (of the capital).' Such is the account
of Liu Kkdtog. Other scholars differ from him in some points ;
but there is a general agreement as to the existence of a system
of graduated training.

sect. i. wAn wang sum 3ze. 347

6. All the rules about sacrificial offerings1 and at
the nourishing of the old begging them to speak
(their wise counsels)2 and the conversation at general
reunions, were taught by the lower directors of Music
in the eastern school.

7. The Grand director of Music taught how to
brandish the shield and axe. He also delivered the
graduated rules relating to conversations and the
charges about begging the old to speak. The Grand
perfecter (of Instruction)3 discussed all about (these
matters) in the eastern school.

8. Whenever a pupil was sitting with the Grand
completer (of Instruction), there was required to be
between them the width of three mats. He might put
questions to him ; and when he had finished, sit back
on the mat near to the wall. While the instructor
had not finished all he had to say on any one point, he
did not ask about another.

9. In all the schools, the officer (in charge), in
spring set forth offerings to the master who first
taught (the subjects); and in autumn and winter he
did the same4.

10. In every case of the first establishment of a
school the offerings must be set forth to the earlier

1 Probably, not sacrifices in general, but offerings to sages, dis-
tinguished old men, &c.

2 This asking the old men to speak was a part of the festal
nourishment of them.

3 I do not think this officer appears in the lists of the Aau Li.
He seems to be named as giving the finishing touch to the
training of the young princes.

4 No mention is made of summer ; but, no doubt, there were
then the same observances as in the other seasons, — a tribute to
the merit of the past, and a stimulus to the students.

348 the ii k1.

BK. VI.

sages and the earlier teachers ; and in the doing of
this, pieces of silk must be used.

ii. In all the cases of setting forth the offerings, it
was required to have the accompaniments (of dancing
and singing). When there were any events of engross-
ing interest in a state (at the time), these were omitted.

12. When there was the accompaniment of music
on a great scale, they proceeded immediately to feast
the aged.

1 3. At all examinations in the suburban schools,
the rule was to select the best and mark out the
most talented. The pupils might be advanced for
their virtue, or commended for something they had
accomplished, or distinguished for their eloquence1.
Those who had studied minor arts were encouraged
and told to expect a second examination2. If they
(then) had one of the three things (above mentioned),
they were advanced to a higher grade, according to
their several orders, and were styled ' Men of the
schools.' They were (still, however,) kept out of the
royal college3, and could not receive the cup from the
vase restricted to the superior students.

14. On the first establishment of schools (in
any state), when the instruments of music were

1 See paragraphs 2-4, pp. 231-233.

2 These minor arts, it is understood, were such as medicine
and divination.

3 The name for this college here perhaps indicates that on
reaching it, all from the other schools were ' on the same level.'
The youths would appear to have passed into it with a festive
ceremony. The ' suburban schools ' were those in the note on
p. 346, with the addition of the 'Eastern Jfiao' \]M JJM)> which
it is not easy to distinguish from ' the eastern school,' already
mentioned.

sect. i. wan wang sum 3ze. 349

completed1, offerings of silk were set forth; and
afterwards those of vegetables2. But there was no
dancing and (consequently) no giving out of the spears
and other things used in it. They simply retired
and received visitors in the eastern school. Only
one cup was passed round. The ceremony might
pass without (parade of) attendants or conversation.

15. (All these things) belonged to the education
of the young princes.

16. In the education of the crown princes adopted
by the founders of the three dynasties the subjects
were the rules of propriety and music. Music served
to give the interior cultivation ; the rules to give the
external. The two, operating reciprocally within,
had their outward manifestation, and the result was
a peaceful serenity, — reverence of inward feeling and
mild elegance of manners.

1 7. The Grand tutor and the assistant tutor were
appointed for their training, to make them acquainted
with the duties of father and son, and of ruler and
minister. The former made himself perfectly master
of those duties in order to exhibit them ; the latter
guided the princes to observe the virtuous ways of
the other and fully instructed him about them. The
Grand tutor went before them, and the assistant came

1 ' Were completed,' should be, according to Khang-Mang,
' were consecrated.' For the character in the text he would sub-
stitute that which we find in Mencius, I, i, 7, 4, applied to the
consecration of a bell. Compare vol. iii, p. 323.

2 The ordinary offerings (see above, paragraph 9) ; but now a
sequel to the offerings of silk. These two offerings, it is under-
stood, were in the school on the west (the hsiang), and thence
the parties officiating adjourned to that on the east (the hsu).

-c;0 THE L^ K*t- BK- VI-

after them. In the palace was the guardian, outside
it was the master ; and thus by this training and
instruction the virtue (of the princes) was completed.
The master taught them by means of occurring
things, and made them understand what was virtuous.
The guardian watched over their persons, and was
as a stay and wings to them, leading them in the
right way. The history says, ' Under the dynasties of
Yti, Hsia, Shang, and K&u, there were the master,
the guardian, the 1, and the K/iang, and there were
appointed the four aides and the three ducal minis-
ters. That these offices should all be filled was not so
necessary as that there should be the men for them;'
— showing how the object was to employ the able1.

1 8. When we speak of 'a superior man' we intend
chiefly his virtue. The virtue perfect and his instruc-
tions honoured ; his instructions honoured and the
(various) officers correct; the officers correct and
order maintained in the state : — these things give
the ideal of a ruler2.

1 The -Oien-lung editors seem to say that ' the Grand tutor '
and ' the assistant tutor,' who had the charge of the young prince
from his infancy, must have been ladies of the harem ; so that, in
fact, the government of a ruler's household was regulated after
the model of the government of the state in his maturer years.
There are no materials to illustrate the duties of the ministers who
are called ' the 1 and the Kftkng'

2 Wu Kkang thinks that the first three characters here should
be translated — ' The superior man (A'un-jze) says ; ' a sequel to
' The history says ' of the preceding paragraph. He then pro-
poses to suppress one of the virtues (||a) that follow. But the
structure of the whole will not admit this way of dealing with it.
There is a play on the characters rendered ' a superior man ' and
' a ruler,'— Kiin-jze (^ :f') and Kim (jg*) ; like our English
' a noble man ' and ' a noble,' ' a princely man ' and ' a prince.'

SECT. I. WAN WANG SHIH 3ZE. 351

19. A"ung-ni said, 'Formerly, when the duke of
Aau was administering the government, he did so
while he (continued to) go up by the eastern steps.
He (also) set forth the rules for a crown prince in
(his dealing with) Yo-kh'm, and it was thus that he
secured the excellence of king K/iang. I have
heard it said, " A minister will sacrifice himself to
benefit his ruler, and how much more will he swerve
from the ordinary course to secure his excellence ! '
This was what the duke of Aau did with ease and
unconcern.

20. ' Therefore he who knows how to show him-
self what a son should be can afterwards show him-
self what a father should be ; he who knows how to
show himself what a minister should be can after-
wards show himself what a ruler should be ; he who
knows how to serve others can afterwards employ
them. King AV/ang, being quite young, could not
discharge the duties of the government. He had
no means of learning how to show himself what
the crown prince should be1. On this account the
rules for a crown prince were exhibited in (the treat-
ment of) ?o-M'm, and he was made to live with the
young king that the latter might thus understand all
that was right between father and son, ruler and
minister, elders and youngers2.'

1 His father being dead.

2 With reference to this paragraph, which, he thinks, appears
here as from Confucius, Wu A^ang says :— ' When king Wu
died, A7;ang was quite young. (His uncles of) Kwan and 3hai
sent their reports abroad, and the people of Yin planned their
rebellion. Then the duke of A"au left the capital, and dwelt in
the cast, and Po-Min went to his jurisdiction, and defeated the
people of Hsu and the Zung. Three years afterwards the duke of

352 THE Li kL

BK. VI.

21. Take the case of the sovereign and his
son and heir. Looked at from the standpoint of
affection, the former is father ; from that of honour,
he is ruler. If the son can give the affection due to
the father, and the honour due to the ruler, here-
after he will (be fit to) be the lord of all under the
sky. On this account the training of crown princes
ought to be most carefully attended to.

22. It is only in the case of the crown prince that
by the doing of one thing three excellent things are
realised ; and it is with reference to his taking his
place in the schools according to his age that this is
spoken. Thus it is that when he takes his place in
them in this way, the people observing it, one will
say, 'He is to be our ruler, how is it that he gives
place to us in the matter of years?' and it will be
replied, ' While his father is alive, it is the rule that

Aau returned, took the regency and made his expedition to the
east, — it was impossible for .A7/ang and Fo-k/nn to be always
together. Perhaps the duke made them keep so, while king Wu
was alive ; and the account in the text was an erroneous tradition.'
To this the .Oien-lung editors reply : — ' Immediately on the death
of king Wu, the duke of Zau must have adopted the method
described in the text. Thai Kung was Grand master ; the duke
of Shao, Grand guardian ; and the duke of Aau himself Grand
tutor. They, no doubt, made Po-Min, ^"iin A7zan, Lii K\, Wang-
sun Mau, and others associate with the young king. In the
winter of his first year, the duke removed to the eastern capital,
while the other two continued in their places, and Vo-khm was
daily with -Oang, and there was no change in the rules for a son
and heir. Next year happened the storm which changed the king's
views about the duke, who returned to the court. The third year
saw the removal of the people of Yen, and Yo-khm proceeded to
his jurisdiction in Lu. But by this time king Khzng's virtue and
ability were matured. Wu's objections to the ordinary view of the
text are without foundation.'

SECT. II. WAN WANG SHIH 3ZE. 353

he should do so.' Thus all will understand the right
course as between father and son. A second will
make the same remark, and put the same question ;
and it will be replied, ' While the ruler is alive, it is
the rule that he should do so;' and thus all will
understand the righteousness that should obtain
between ruler and minister. To a third putting the
same question it will be said, ' He is giving to his
elders what is due to their age;' and thus all will
understand the observances that should rule between
young and old. Therefore, while his father is alive,
he is but a son ; and, while his ruler is alive, he may be
called merely a minister. Occupying aright the posi-
tion of son and minister is the way in which he shows
the honour due to a ruler and the affection due to a
father. He is thus taught the duties between father
and son, between ruler and minister, between old
and young ; and when he has become master of all
these, the state will be well governed. The saying,
1 Music's Director the foundation lays ; ^

The Master this doth to perfection raise.

Let him but once the great and good be taught,

And all the states are to correctness brought,'
finds its application in the case of the heir-son.

23. So much for the duke of Aran's going up by
the eastern steps.

Section II.

1. The Shu-jze1, who had the direction of the
(other) members of the royal and princely families,

1 See Book XLIV, paragraph i,and note. The Shu-jze orAru-

jze belonged to the department of the Sze-ma. They were two, —

Great officers of the third grade; and under them thirty assistants,

— officers and employe's. The superintendents of the Lists in next

[27] A a

354

THE LI kI. BK. VI.

inculcated on them filial piety and fraternal duty,
harmony and friendship, and kindly consideration ;
illustrating the righteousness that should prevail
between father and son, and the order to be observed
between elders and juniors.

2. When they appeared at court, if it were at a
reception in the innermost (courtyard of the palace),
they took their places, facing the east, those of the
most honourable rank among them, as ministers, being
to the north (of the others) ; but they were arranged
according to their age. If it were a reception in the
outer (and second courtyard), they were arranged
according to their offices ; — (as in the former case),
by the superintendents of the official lists.

3. When they were in the ancestral temple, they
took their places as at the reception in the outer (and
second courtyard) ; and the superintendent of the
temple1 assigned his business to each according to
rank and office. In their ascending (to the hall),
partaking of what had been left (by the personator
of the dead), presenting (the cup to him), and receiv-
ing it (from him)2, the eldest son by the wife took
the precedence. The proceedings were regulated
by the Shu-jze. Although one might have received
three of the gifts of distinction, he did not take pre-
cedence of an uncle or elder cousin.

4. At the funeral rites for rulers, they were ar-
ranged according to the character of their mourning-
paragraph belonged to the same department; — also two of the
same rank as the Shu-jze, and under them sixty-eight others. The
functions of both are described in the Kzu Li, Book XXXI.

1 See the ^au Li, Book XXVII.

2 These ceremonies do not appear to be mentioned here in the
order of their occurrence.

SECT. II. WAN WANG SHIH 3ZE. 355

dress in the fineness or coarseness of the material.
In case of such rites among themselves, the same
order was observed, the principal mourner, however,
always taking precedence of all others.

5. If the ruler were feasting with his kindred, then
all of a different kindred were received as guests.
The cook acted as master of the ceremonies1.
The ruler took place among his uncles and cousins
according to age. Each generation of kindred took
a lower place as it was a degree removed from the
parent-stem.

6. When with the army, the kindred guarded
the spirit-tablets that had been brought from their
shrines. If any public duties called the ruler beyond
the limits of the state, those officers of the kindred
employed the members of it, who had not other
duties, to guard the ancestral temple and the apart-
ments of the palace, the eldest sons by the proper
wives guarding the temple of the Grand ancestor;
the various uncles, the most honoured temple-shrines
and apartments ; the other sons and grandsons, the
inferior shrines and apartments.

7. All descended from any of the five rulers to
whom the temple-shrines were dedicated, even those
who were now classed among the common people,
were required to announce the events of capping and
marriage, so long as the temple-shrine of the (Grand
ancestor) had not been removed. Their deaths had
to be announced ; and also their sacrifices during the

1 We have here an instance of the important part which the
cook played in the establishments of the kings and princes of those
days; see vol. hi, pp. 356, 422. The ruler was too dignified to
drink with the guests.

a a 2

356 THE Li kI.

BK. VI.

period of mourning. In the relations of the kin-
dred among themselves, the proper officers punished
any neglect of the regulations for condoling and
not condoling, leaving off and not leaving off the
cap (in mourning). There were the correct rules
for the mourning gifts of articles, money, robes, and
jade to put into the mouth (of the deceased).

8. When one of the ruler's kindred was found
guilty of a capital offence, he was hanged by some
one of the foresters' department. If the punish-
ment for his offence were corporal infliction or
dismemberment, it was also handed over to the same
department. No one of the ruler's kindred was
punished with castration.

When the trial was concluded, the proper officer
reported the sentence to the ruler. If the penalty
were death, he would say, ' The offence of So and So
is a capital crime.' If the penalty were less, he
would say, 'The offence of So and So has received a
lighter sentence.' The ruler would say, 'Let the
sentence be remitted for another;' and the officer
would say, ' That is the sentence.' This was
repeated till the third time, when the officer would
make no answer, but hurry off and put the execution
into the hands of the appointed forester. Still the
ruler would send some one after him, and say, 'Yes,
but grant forgiveness,' to which there would be the
reply, ' It is too late.' When the execution was
reported to the ruler, he put on white clothes, and
did not have a full meal or music, thus changing his
usual habits. Though the kinsman might be within
the degree for which there should be mourning rites,
the ruler did not wear mourning, but wailed for him
himself (in some family of a different surname).

sect. ii. wAn wang sum 3ze. 357

9. That the ruler's kindred appeared at the recep-
tion in the innermost (court) showed how (the ruler)
would honour the relatives of his own surname.
That they took places according to their age, even
those among them of high rank, showed the relation
to be maintained between father and son. That they
took places at the reception in the outer court accord-
ing to their offices, showed how (the ruler) would
show that they formed one body with (the officers of)
other surnames1.

10. Their taking their places in the ancestral
temple according to rank served to exalt the sense
of virtue. That the superintendent of the temple
assigned to them their several services according to
their offices was a tribute of honour to worth. That
the eldest son by the proper wife was employed to
ascend, take precedence in partaking of what had
been left, and in receiving the cup, was to do honour
to their ancestor2.

11. That the distinctions at the funeral rites were
arranged according to the fineness or coarseness of
their mourning robes was not to take from any one
the degree of his relationship3.

12. The ruler, when feasting with his kindred,
took his place among them according to age, and
thus development was given to filial piety and
fraternal duty. That each generation took a lower
place as it was removed a degree from the parent-
stem showed the graduation of affection among
relatives4.

1 See paragraph 2, above. 2 See paragraph 3, above.

3 See paragraph 4, above. * See paragraph 5, above.

358 THE lA K\. BK. VI.

13. The guard maintained during war over the
spirit-tablets in the army showed the deep sense of
filial piety and love. When the eldest son by the pro-
per wife guarded the temple of the Grand ancestor,
honour was done to the temple by the most honoured,
and the rule as between ruler and minister was
exhibited. When the uncles guarded the most
honoured shrines and apartments, and the cousins
those that were inferior, the principles of subordina-
tion and deference were displayed \

14. That the descendants of the five rulers, to
whom the temple-shrines were dedicated, were
required, so long as the shrine of the Grand ancestor
had not been removed, to announce their cappings
and marriages, and their death was also required to
be announced, showed how kinship was to be kept
in mind2. While the kinship was yet maintained,
that some were classed among the common people
showed how mean position followed on want of
ability. The reverent observance of condoling, wail-
ing, and of presenting contributions to the funeral
rites in articles and money, was the way taken to
maintain harmony and friendliness3.

15. Anciently, when the duties of these officers
of the royal or princely kindred were well
discharged, there was a constant model for the
regions and states ; and when this model was
maintained, all knew to what to direct their views
and aims4.

1 See paragraph 6, above. 2 See paragraph 12, above.

3 See paragraph 7, above.

* This paragraph is evidently out of place, and should follow the

sect. ii. WAN WANG SIIIII 3ZE. 359

16. When any of the ruler's kindred were guilty
of offences, notwithstanding their kinship, they were
not allowed to transgress with impunity, but the
proper officers had their methods of dealing with
them : — this showed the regard cherished for the
people. That the offender was punished in secret1,
and not associated with common people, showed
(the ruler's) concern for his brethren. That he
offered no condolence, wore no mourning, and wailed
for the criminal in the temple of a different surname,
showed how he kept aloof from him as having
disgraced their ancestors. That he wore white, occu-
pied a chamber outside, and did not listen to music,
was a private mourning for him, and showed how
the feeling of kinship was not extinguished. That
one of the ruler's kindred was not subjected to
castration, showed how he shrank from cutting off
the perpetuation of their family.

17. When the son of Heaven was about to visit
the college, the drum was beaten at early dawn to
arouse all (the students). When all were come
together, the son of Heaven then arrived and or-
dered the proper officers to discharge their business,
proceeding in the regular order, and sacrificing
to the former masters and former sages. When

next. Some of the critics endeavour very ingeniously to account
for its having been designedly placed where it stands.

1 This refers to the statement in paragraph 8, that members of
the ruler's kindred, instead of being executed or exposed in the
court or market-place, were handed over to be dealt with in the
country, by the foresters' department. On that department and
the duties and members of it, see the A'au Li, Book I, 1 1 ; IV,
64-69.

36O THE Li k1.

bk. vr.

they reported to him that everything had been
done, he then began to go to the nourishing (of
the aged).

18. Proceeding to the school on the east, he
unfolded and set forth the offerings to the aged of
former times, and immediately afterwards arranged
the mats and places for the three (classes of the) old,
and the five (classes of the) experienced, for all the
aged (indeed who were present)1.

19. He (then) went to look at the food and
examine the liquor. When the delicacies for the
nourishment of the aged were all ready, he caused
the song to be raised (as a signal for the aged to
come). After this he retired ; and thus it was that
he provided for (the aged) his filial nourishment.

20. When (the aged) had returned (to their seats
after partaking of the feast), the musicians went up
and sang the K king Miao2, after which there was

1 There is great difference of opinion about ' the three old ' and
' the five experienced.' A common view is that the former name
denotes the old men of 80, 90, and 100; which appears to have
been first propounded by Tu Yii (a. d. 222-284). The A7nen-lung
editors speak contemptuously of it, and ask what analogous division
is to be made of the five classes of the experienced. Callery has
a note on the paragraph, to the effect that there were two old men,
one called 'the san-lao,' and the other 'the wu-kang.' The
emperor of the A^ien-lung period, he tells us, because of the great
age at which he had himself arrived, wished to restore the ancient prac-
tices in honour of old age. His proposal, however, was so vigorously
opposed in council, especially by a Chinese minister, that he was
obliged to abandon it. ' Many volumes,' he says, ' have been
written on the origin and meaning of the denominations in the
text, but nothing certain is known on the subject.'

2 ' A7zing Miao ' is the name of the first of ' The Sacrificial
Odes of Aau;' see vol. iii, pp. 313, 314.

SECT. II.

WAN WANG SHIH 3ZE. 36 I

conversation to bring out fully its meaning. They
spoke of the duties between father and son, ruler
and minister, elders and juniors. This union (of
the conversation) with the highest description of
virtue in the piece constituted the greatest feature
of the ceremony.

21. Below (in the court-yard), the flute-players
played the tune of the Hsiang1, while the Ta-wu
was danced, all uniting in the grand concert accord-
ing to their parts, giving full development to the
spirit (of the music), and stimulating the sense of
virtue. The positions of ruler and minister, and the
gradations of noble and mean were correctly ex-
hibited, and the respective duties of high and low
took their proper course.

22. The officers having announced that the music
was over, the king then charged the dukes, marquises,
earls, counts, and barons, with all the officers, saying,
' Return, and nourish the aged and the young2 in
your eastern schools.' Thus did he end (the cere-
mony) with (the manifestation of) benevolence.

23. The above statements show how the sage
(sovereign) bore in mind the various steps (of this
ceremony)3. He anxiously thought of it as its great-
ness deserved ; his love for the aged was blended

1 ' Hsiang ' was the name of a piece of music played to the
dance Ta-wu, in memory of the kings Wan and Wu. It is
hardly possible to give any more detailed description either of the
piece or of the dance.

2 « The young ' is supposed to be an interpolation.

3 This sentence is difficult. Callery translates it:— 'En vue de
tout cela l'empereur vertueux repasse dans sa mdmoire ce que (les
anciens) ont fait (pour honorer la vieillesse, afin de les imiter).'

362 THE LI A'l

A 4

BK. VI.

with reverence ; he carried the thing through with
attention to propriety ; he adorned it with his filial
nourishing ; he connected with it the exhibition of
the legitimate distinctions (of rank); and concluded
it with (the manifestation of) benevolence. In this
way the ancients, in the exhibition of this one
ceremony, made all know how complete was their
virtue. Among them, when they undertook any
great affair, they were sure to carry it through care-
fully from beginning to end, so that it was impossible
for any not to understand them. As it is said in the
Yiieh Ming1, 'The thoughts from first to last
should be fixed on (this) learning.'

24. The Record of (king Wans) son and heir says,
' Morning and evening he went to the outside of the
door of the great chamber, and asked the attendant
of the interior whether his father were well, and
how he was. If told that he was well, his joy
appeared in his countenance. If his father were
not so well, the attendant would tell him so, and then
his sorrow and anxiety appeared, and his demeanour
was disturbed. When the attendant told him that
his father was better, he resumed his former appear-
ance. Morning and evening when the food went up,
he would examine it and see if it were hot or cold as
it ought to be. When it came down, he asked what
his father had eaten. He made it a point to know
what viands went in, and to give his orders to the
cook ; and then he retired.

' If the attendant reported that his father was ill,
then he himself fasted and waited on him in his dark-
coloured dress. He inspected with reverence the

1 See the ' Charge to Yueh/ in vol. iii, p. 1 1 7.

SECT. II. WAN WANG SHUT 3ZE. 363

food prepared by the cook, and tasted himself the
medicine for the patient. If his father ate well of
the food, then he was able to eat. If his father ate
but little, then he could not take a full meal. When
his father had recovered, then he resumed his former
ways1.'

1 This is evidently an unskilful reproduction of the first para-
graph of Section i. We try in vain to discover why the compiler
inserted it here.

BOOK VII. THE Ll YUN

CEREMONIAL USAGES; THEIR ORIGIN, DEVELOP-
MENT, AND INTENTION1.

Section I.

i. Formerly ATung-ni was present as one of the
guests at the Ka. sacrifice2 ; and when it was over,
he went out and walked backwards and forwards on
the terrace over the gate of Proclamations3, looking
sad and sighing. What made him sigh was the
state of Lu 4. Yen Yen was by his side, and said to
him, ' Master, what are you sighing about?' Con-
fucius replied, ' I never saw the practice of the
Grand course5, and the eminent men of the three
dynasties6; but I have my object (in harmony with
theirs).

2. 'When the Grand course was pursued, a public
and common spirit ruled all under the sky ; they

1 See the introduction, pages 23, 24.

2 Offered in the end of the year, in thanksgiving for all the crops
that had been reaped. See in Book IX, ii, paragraphs 9, 10.

3 The gateway where illustrated copies of the laws and punish-
ments were suspended. It belonged of right only to the royal
palace, but it was among the things which Lu had usurped, or was
privileged to use.

4 As usurping royal rites, and in disorder.

5 This sounds Taoistic. It is explained of the time of the five Tfs.

6 The founders of the Hsia, Shang, and ^Tau, and their great
ministers.

SECT. I.

THE LI YUN. 365

chose1 men of talents, virtue, and ability; their
words were sincere, and what they cultivated was
harmony. Thus men did not love their parents
only, nor treat as children only their own sons. A
competent provision was secured for the aged till
their death, employment for the able-bodied, and
the means of growing up to the young. They
showed kindness and compassion to widows, orphans,
childless men, and those who were disabled by
disease, so that they were all sufficiently maintained.
Males had their proper work, and females had their
homes. (They accumulated) articles (of value), dis-
liking that they should be thrown away upon the
ground, but not wishing to keep them for their own
gratification2. (They laboured) with their strength,
disliking that it should not be exerted, but not ex-
erting it (only) with a view to their own advantage2.
In this way (selfish) schemings were repressed
and found no development. Robbers, filchers, and

1 ' They chose ; ' who are intended by the ' they ? ' Shall we
find them in the ' all under the sky ' of the preceding clause ?
Callery has : — ' Sous le grand regne de la vertu, l'empire e'tait la
chose publique. On choisissait pour le gouverneur les hommes
dminents,' &c. Khung Ying-ta explains the clause by ' They made
no hereditary princes.' Perhaps it would be well to translate
passively, — ' Men of virtue and ability were chosen (to govern).'
The writer has before him the Taoistic period of the primitive
simplicity, when there was no necessity for organised government
as in after ages.

2 It is rather difficult to construe and translate these two sen-
tences. Callery gives for them, not very successfully : — ' Quant
aux objets male'riels, ceux qu'on n'aimait pas, on les abandonnait
(aux personnes qui en avaient besoin), sans les mettre en reserve
pour soi. Les choses dont on e'tait capable, on regardait comme
fort mauvais de ne pas les faire, lors meme que ce n'&ait pas
pour soi.'

366 THE LI 25:1. bk. vir.

rebellious traitors did not show themselves, and
hence the outer doors remained open, and were
not shut. This was (the period of) what we call
the Grand Union.

3. ' Now that the Grand course has fallen into
disuse and obscurity, the kingdom is a family inherit-
ance. Every one loves (above all others) his own
parents and cherishes (as) children (only) his own
sons. People accumulate articles and exert their
strength for their own advantage. Great men
imagine it is the rule that their states should
descend in their own families. Their object is to
make the walls of their cities and suburbs strong
and their ditches and moats secure. The rules of
propriety and of what is right are regarded as the
threads by which they seek to maintain in its correct-
ness the relation between ruler and minister ; in its
generous regard that between father and son ; in
its harmony that between elder brother and younger;
and in a community of sentiment that between hus-
band and wife ; and in accordance with them they
frame buildings and measures ; lay out the fields
and hamlets (for the dwellings of the husbandmen) ;
adjudge the superiority to men of valour and know-
ledge ; and regulate their achievements with a view
to their own advantage. Thus it is that (selfish)
schemes and enterprises are constantly taking their
rise, and recourse is had to arms ; and thus it was
(also) that Yti, Thang, Wan and Wu, king AV/ang,
and the duke of Aau obtained their distinction. Of
these six great men every one was very attentive to
the rules of propriety, thus to secure the display of
righteousness, the realisation of sincerity, the exhibi-
tion of errors, the exemplification of benevolence, and

SECT. I.

THE L? YUN. 367

the discussion of courtesy, showing the people all the
normal virtues. Any rulers who did not follow this
course were driven away by those who possessed
power and position, and all regarded them as
pests. This is the period of what we call Small
Tranquillity V

4. Yen Yen again asked, 'Are the rules of Pro-
priety indeed of such urgent importance ?' Con-
fucius said, 'It was by those rules that the ancient L^
kings sought to represent the ways of Heaven, and

to regulate the feelings of men. Therefore he who
neglects or violates them may be (spoken of) as
dead, and he who observes them, as alive. It is
said in the Book of Poetry,
" Look at a rat — how small its limbs and fine !

Then mark the course that scorns the proper line.

Propriety's neglect may well provoke

A wish the man would quickly court death's stroke2." S
Therefore those rules are rooted in heaven, have
their correspondencies in earth, and are appli-
cable to spiritual beings. They extend to funeral
rites, sacrifices, archery, chariot-driving, capping,
marriage, audiences, and friendly missions. Thus
the sages made known these rules, and it became
possible for the kingdom, with its states and clans,
to reach its correct condition.'

5. Yen Yen again asked, 'May I be allowed to
hear, Master, the full account that you would give of

1 The Taoism in this and the preceding paragraph is evident, and
we need not be surprised that Wang of Shih-liang should say that
they ought not to be ascribed to Confucius. The A7rien-lung
editors try to weaken the force of his judgment by a theory of
misplaced tablets and spurious additions to the text.

2 The Shih, I, iv, 8 ; metrical version, page 99.

368 THE Li Kl.

BK. VII.

these rules?' Confucius said, ' I wished to see the
ways of Hsia, and for that purpose went to Khi.
But it was not able to attest my words, though I
found there " The seasons of Hsia." I wished to
see the ways of Yin, and for that purpose went to
Suns'. But it was not able to attest my words,
though I found there "The Khwan K/iien." In
this way I got to see the meanings in the
Khwan K/ilen, and the different steps in the
seasons of Hsia1.

6. 'At the first use of ceremonies, they began with
meat and drink. They roasted millet and pieces of
pork2; they excavated the ground in the form of a
jar, and scooped the water from it with their two
hands ; they fashioned a handle of clay, and struck
with it an earthen drum. (Simple as these arrange-
ments were), they yet seemed to be able to express
by them their reverence for Spiritual Beings.

7. '(By-and-by)3, when one died, they went upon

1 Compare with this paragraph the ninth in the third Book of the
Analects. In that Confucius tells of his visits to Kh\ and Sung;
but says nothing of his finding any book or fragment of a book in
either, dwelling instead on the insufficiency of their records. ' The
seasons of Hsia,' which it is said here ' he got in KhV, is sup-
posed to be the ' small calendar of Hsia,' preserved by the Greater
Tai, and 'the Khwan Khien.' to have been the 'Kwei 3hang
Yi,' attributed by many to the Shang dynasty. But all this is very
uncertain.

2 In an unartificial manner, we are told, ' by placing them on
heated stones.' It is only the last sentence of the paragraph
which makes us think that the previous parts have anything to do
with sacrifice or religion.

3 Khung Ying-ta thinks that this describes the practices of the
period of 'the five Tis.' The north is the quarter of darkness
and decay, the south that of brightness and life. ' The paragraph

SECT. I.

THE LI YUN. 369

the housetop, and called out his name in a prolonged
note, saying, " Come back, So and So." After this
they filled the mouth (of the dead) with uncooked
rice, and (set forth as offerings to him) packets
of raw flesh. Thus they looked up to heaven
(whither the spirit was gone), and buried (the bod))
in the earth. The body and the animal soul go
downwards ; and the intelligent spirit is on high.
Thus (also) the dead are placed with their heads to
the north, while the living look towards the south.
In all these matters the earliest practice is followed.

8. ' Formerly the ancient kings1 had no houses.
In winter they lived in caves which they had ex-
cavated, and in summer in nests which they had
framed. They knew not yet the transforming power
of fire, but ate the fruits of plants and trees, and the
flesh of birds and beasts, drinking their blood, and
swallowing (also) the hair and feathers. They knew
not yet the use of flax and silk, but clothed them-
selves with feathers and skins.

9. ' The later sages then arose, and men (learned)
to take advantage of the benefits of fire. They
moulded the metals and fashioned clay, so as to rear
towers with structures on them, and houses with
windows and doors. They toasted, grilled, boiled,
and roasted. They produced must and sauces.
They dealt with the flax and silk so as to form linen
and silken fabrics. They were thus able to nourish
the living, and to make offerings to the dead ; to serve

teaches us,' says Hsu Shih-^ang, ' that the burial and other mourn-
ing ceremonies were not inventions of later sages, but grew from
the natural feelings and sorrow of the earliest mm.'

1 This was, says A'ang, 'the time of the highest antiquity;' 'the
time,' says Ying-ta, 'before the five Tis.'
[27] 1: b

370 THE LI K\.

BK. VII.

the spirits of the departed and God1. In all these
things we follow the example of that early time.

10. ' Thus it is that the dark-coloured liquor is in
the apartment (where the representative of the
dead is entertained)2 ; that the vessel of must is near
its (entrance) door ; that the reddish liquor is in the
hall; and the clear, in the (court) below. The victims
(also) are displayed, and the tripods and stands are
prepared. The lutes and citherns are put in their
places, with the flutes, sonorous stones, bells, and
drums. The prayers (of the principal in the sacrifice
to the spirits) and the benedictions (of the represen-
tatives of the departed) are carefully framed. The

1 According to Ying-ta, ' this is descriptive of the times of
Shan Nang in middle antiquity, of the five Tis, and of the
three kings.' This would extend it over a very long space of
time. When it is said that men in their advancing civilisation were
able to serve the spirits of the departed and God, the peculiarity
of style by which those spirits (literally, the Kwei Shan) are
placed before God (Shang Ti) does not fail to attract the notice of
the student. The explanation of it was given ingeniously, and
I believe correctly, by Dr. Medhurst (Theology of the Chinese,
page 78), who says, ' it was done, probably, in order to distinguish
the one from the other, and to prevent the reader from imagining
that the Kwei Shans belonged to the Shang Ti, which mistake
might have occurred had the characters been differently arranged.'
I translate the last sentence in the present tense, the speaker
having, I think, his own times in mind.

2 The ' dark-coloured ' liquor was water, which was employed in
the earliest times, before there was any preparation of liquor made
from grain, either by fermentation or distillation, and the use of it
was continued in the subsequent times of which this paragraph
speaks, in honour of the practice of antiquity; and is continued,
probably, to the present day. The other liquors are mentioned in
the order of their invention, following one another in the historical
line of their discovery, the older always having a nearer and
more honourable place.

SF.CT. I.

THE Li YUN. 371

object of all the ceremonies is to bring down the
spirits from above, even their ancestors1 ; serving
(also) to rectify the relations between ruler and
ministers ; to maintain the generous feeling between
father and son, and the harmony between elder and
younger brother ; to adjust the relations between
high and low ; and to give their proper places to
husband and wife. The whole may be said to
secure the blessing of Heaven.

11. 'They proceed to their invocations, using in
each the appropriate terms. The dark-coloured
liquor is employed in (every) sacrifice. The blood
with the hair and feathers (of the victim) is pre-
sented. The flesh, uncooked, is set forth on the
stands'2. The bones with the flesh on them are
sodden ; and rush mats and coarse cloth are placed
underneath and over the vases and cups. The robes
of dyed silk are put on. The must and clarified
liquor are presented. The flesh, roasted and grilled,
is broueht forward3. The ruler and his wife take
alternate parts in presenting these offerings, all
being done to please the souls of the departed, and
constituting a union (of the living) with the dis-
embodied and unseen.

1 Dr. Mcdhurst rendered this — 'to bring down the Shans of
the upper world, together with the manes of their first ancestors.'
In giving to the two phrases one and the same reference I am
following Ying-ta and others.

2 The last three observances were in imitation of what was done
in the earliest antiquity.

3 In these six things the ways of ' middle antiquity ' were ob-
served. The whole paragraph is descriptive of a sacrifice in the
ancestral temple under A'au, where an effort was made to repro-
duce all sacrificial customs from the earliest times.

B b 2

372 THE LI k1. BK. VII.

12. ' These services having been completed, they
retire, and cook again all that was insufficiently done.
The dogs, pigs, bullocks, and sheep are dismembered.
The shorter dishes (round and square), the taller
ones of bamboo and wood, and the soup vessels are
all filled. There are the prayers which express the
filial piety (of the worshipper), and the benediction
announcing the favour (of his ancestors). This
may be called the greatest omen of prosperity ; and
in this the ceremony obtains its grand completion1.'

Section II.

i. Confucius said, ' Ah ! Alas ! I look at the ways
of K&u. (The kings) Yu2 and Li3 corrupted them
indeed, but if I leave Lu, where shall I go (to find
them better) ? The border sacrifice of Lu, (however,)
and (the association with it of) the founder of the line
(of A^au) is contrary to propriety ;— how have (the
institutions of) the duke of A^au fallen into decay4 !
At the border sacrifice in Kh\, Yii was the assessor,
and at that in Sung, Hsieh ; but these were observ-

1 This last paragraph appears to me to give a very condensed
account of the banquet, to a ruler's kindred, with which a service
in the ancestral temple concluded. Paragraphs io, n, 12 are all
descriptive of the parts of such a service. Compare the accounts
of it in the Shih II, vi, ode 5, and other pieces.

2 B.C. 781-771. 3 B.C. 878-828.

* That the sacrificial ceremonies of Lu were in many things
corrupted in Lu in the time of Confucius is plain to the reader
of the Analects. How the corruption first began is a subject
of endless controversy. It seems to be established that special
privileges were granted in this respect to the duke of A"au and his
son, Yo-klnxi. Guarded at first and innocent, encroachments
were made by successive princes, as the vigour of the royal
authority declined; and by-and-by as those princes became them-

SECT. II. THE LI YUN. 37J

ances of the sons of Heaven, preserved (in those
states by their descendants). The rule is that (only)
the son of Heaven sacrifices to heaven and earth,
and the princes of states sacrifice at the altars to the
spirits of the land and grain.'

2. When no change is presumptuously made from
the constant practice from the oldest times between
the prayer and blessing (at the beginning of the
sacrifice)1 and the benediction (at the end of it)1,
we have what might be called a great and happy
service.

3. For the words of prayer and blessing and
those of benediction to be kept hidden away by the
officers of prayer of the ancestral temple, and the
sorcerers and recorders, is a violation of the rules of
propriety. This may be called keeping a state in
darkness2.

selves more and more weak, their ministers followed in their wake.
and usurped the same ceremonies in their own services.

The commentators throw little light on the special corruption
selected here for condemnation by Confucius. I have interpreted
it by the analogy of the cases of Kin and Sung. The lords of
those states were descended from the sovereigns of Hsia and
Shang respectively, and were invested with them at the rise of the
A^au dynasty, that they might continue in them the sacrifices of
their royal ancestors. They did so not as the lords of Kh\ and
Sung, but as representing the lines of Hsri and Shang. But the
case was different with the lords of Lu, belonging to the time of
AViu, but not representing it. Its kings were still reigning.
Whether the words of Confucius should be extended over all the
paragraph is a doubtful point.

1 See paragraph 1 2 of the last section.

2 In this way new forms of prayer and benediction came into
use, and the old forms were forgolten. The sorcerers; set-
page 172, paragraph 42.

4 THE LI kI

BK. VII.

4. (The use of) the /an cup (of Hsia.) and the
kia. cup (of Yin), and (the pledging in them) be-
tween the representative of the dead and the ruler
are contrary to propriety ; — these things constitute
' a usurping ruler1.'

5. (For ministers and Great officers to) keep the
cap with pendents and the leathern cap, or military
weapons, in their own houses is contrary to propriety.
To do so constitutes 'restraint of the ruler2.'

6. For Great officers to maintain a full staff of
employes, to have so many sacrificial vessels that
they do not need to borrow any ; and have singers
and musical instruments all complete, is contrary to
propriety. For them to do so leads to ' disorder in
a state3.'

7. Thus, one sustaining office under the ruler is
called a minister, and one sustaining office under the
head of a clan is called a servant. Either of these,
who is in mourning for a parent, or has newly
married, is not sent on any mission for a year4.

1 It would be of little use to give representations of those cups,
as they are ordinarily figured. Only in Kh\, Sung, and Lu could
they be used with any degree of propriety. In the times referred
to in these paragraphs they were used by other states ; which was
an act of usurpation.

2 Certain styles of these caps were peculiar to the king, and of
course could not be used by inferiors. Cuhers might be used by
them, but were kept in public offices, and given out when required.
Sometimes they were conferred by special gift ; but none could
make them for themselves.

3 A Great officer, if he had land, might have a ruler or steward,
to whom everything was entrusted; and he might have some
sacrificial vessels, but not a complete set. He did not have music
at his sacrifices, unless it were by special permission.

4 Compare Deuteronomy xxiv. 5.

* - ,nr

SECT. II. THE LI VUN. 375

To enter court in decayed robes, or to live pro-
miscuously with his servants, taking place among
them according to age : — all these things are
contrary to propriety. Where we have them, we
have what is called ' ruler and minister sharing
the state.'

8. Thus, the son of Heaven has his domain
that he may settle there his sons and grand-
sons ; and the feudal princes have their states ; and
Great officers their appanages that they may do
the same for theirs. This constitutes ' the statutory
arrangement.'

9. Thus, when the son of Heaven goes to visit a
feudal prince, the rule is that he shall lodge in the
ancestral temple, and that he do not enter it without
having with him all the rules to be observed. If
he act otherwise, we have an instance of ' The son
of Heaven perverting the laws, and throwing the
regulations into confusion.' A prince, unless it be
to ask about the sick or to condole with a mourner,
does not enter the house of a minister. If he act
otherwise, we have the case of ' ruler and minister
playing with each other.'

10. Therefore, ceremonies form a great instrument
in the hands of a ruler. It is by them that he re-
solves what is doubtful and brings to light what is
abstruse ; that he conducts his intercourse with
spiritual beings, examines all statutory arrangements,
and distinguishes benevolence from righteousness ;
it is by them, in short, that government is rightly
ordered, and his own tranquillity secured.

11. When government is not correct, the ruler's
seat is insecure. When the ruler's seat is insecure,

376 THE LI kL

BK. VII.

the great ministers revolt, and smaller ones begin
pilfering. Punishments (then) are made severe, and
manners deteriorate. Thus the laws become irre-
gular, and the" rules of ceremony uncertain. When
these are uncertain, officers do not perform their
duties ; and when punishments become severe, and
manners deteriorate, the people do not turn (to what
is right). We have that condition which may be
described as ' an infirm state.'

12. In this way government is the means by which
the ruler keeps and protects his person, and therefore
it must have a fundamental connection with Heaven.
This uses a variety of ways in sending down the in-
timations of Its will. As learned from the altars
of the land, these are (receptivity and docility) im-
parted to the earth. As learned from the ancestral
temple, they are benevolence and righteousness.
As learned from the altars of the hills and streams,
they are movement and activity. As learned from
the five sacrifices of the house, they are the statutes
(of their various spirits). It is in this way that the
sage rulers made provision for the safe keeping of
their persons 1.

1 On this paragraph M. Callery has the following note : — ' Tres
difficile a. comprendre dans nos ide*es, ce passage offre un sens
tout simple et naturel aux Chinois, dont la bizarre me'taphysique
va chercher dans la nature une analogie essentielle entre les
accidents divers des etres, et les phemomenes rationnels ou psycho-
logiques. Ainsi, suivant les philosophes Chinois, tant anciens
que modernes, la socie'te prdsente des ine'galite's dans ses classes
d'individus, comme la terre prdsente a. sa surface des montagncs
et des vallees ; telle loi provoque Taction et le mouvement, comme
les rivieres pleines de poissons et les montagnes couvertes de
forets sont des foyers de vie et de de'veloppement ; telle autre loi

SECT. II. THE LI yun. 377

i x. Hence the sage forms a tern ion with Heaven
and Earth, and stands side by side with spiritual
beings, in order to the right ordering of government.
Taking his place on the ground of the principles in-
herent in them, he devised ceremonies in their order ;
calling them to the happy exercise of that in which

impose des obligations humanitaires, comme les temples inspirent
la pie'te filiale envers les ancetres, ou le respect envers les Dieux.
Ces analogies sont quelquefois pousse'es jusqu'au dernier ridicule ;
mais les Chinois ne les trouvent jamais force'es, et semblent faire
ties peu de cas de la logique Europe'enne, qui ne les admire pas.'

The A7/ien-lung editors say on it: — 'Hsiao (^) gives the
idea of distribution. All the principles under the sky are simply
expressive of the mind of the one Heaven. Heaven is everywhere,
and its distributions from which we see its ordinations are also
everywhere. Alien (^£»)> 'great and originating,' contains all
the meaning belonging to the name Heaven. Earth (jrtjj) obe-
diently receives the influences of heaven. Consequently, when we
see how earth supports all things, we know how the ordination of
Heaven has descended on it. Heaven is the author of all things.
It produced men, and men go on to produce one another, in
succession. From this we see that every man has his ancestor,
and know how the ordination of Heaven has descended on the
ancestral temple. Hills and streams are also the productions of
Heaven, but every one of them is also able to produce other
things ; and when we see their productiveness, we know that the
ordination of Heaven to that effect has descended on them. The
productive power of Heaven is distributed in the five elements, and
their results, which are most important to men, are exhibited in the
five sacrifices of the house, so that we see those results in these,
and know that the ordination of Heaven has descended on them.
Now the ancestral temples, the hills and streams, and those five
altars of the house, are all distributed on the earth, but in reality
have their root in Heaven. And so it is that the sages after the
pattern of Heaven made their ordinations; and their filial piety
and righteousness, and all the duties enjoined by them, effective,
though unseen, secure the issues of government.'

378 THE LI isTI. BK. VII.

they find pleasure, he secured the success of the
government of the people.

14. Heaven produces the seasons. Earth pro-
duces all the sources of wealth. Man is begotten by
his father, and instructed by his teacher. The ruler
correctly uses these four agencies, and therefore he
stands in the place where there is no error1.

15. Hence the ruler is he to whose brightness men
look; he does not seek to brighten men. It is he
whom men support; he does not seek to support
men. It is he whom men serve ; he does not seek
to serve men. If the ruler were to seek to brighten
men, he would fall into errors. If he were to seek
to nourish men, he would be unequal to the task.
If he were to seek to serve men, he would be giving
up his position. Therefore the people imitate the
ruler, and we have their self-government; they
nourish their ruler, and they find their security in
doing so ; they serve the ruler, and find their dis-
tinction in doing so. Thus it is by the universal
application of the rules of propriety, that the lot and
duty (of different classes) are fixed ; thus it is that
men, (acting contrary to those rules,) would all have
to account death a boon, and life an evil.

16. Therefore (the ruler), making use of the
wisdom of others, will put away the cunning to
which that wisdom might lead him ; using their
courage, he will (in the same way) put away

1 ' If the ruler,' says Khung Ying-ta, ' were to undertake to do
all the work of these agencies himself, he would commit many
errors. Employing them according to the natural operation of
each, the work is easily performed, and without error.'

SECT. II.

THE LI VUN. 379

passion; and using their benevolence, he will put
away covetousness1.

17. Therefore, when calamity comes on a state,
for the ruler to die for its altars is to be regarded as
right ; but for a Great officer to die for the ancestral
temple is to be regarded as a change (of the duty
required from him)2.

18. Therefore when it is said that (the ruler being)
a sage can look on all under the sky as one family,
and on all in the Middle states as one man, this does
not mean that he will do so on premeditation and
purpose. He must know men's feelings, lay open to
them what they consider right, show clearly to them
what is advantageous, and comprehend what are
their calamities. Being so furnished, he is then able
to effect the thing. ■

19. What are the feelings of men ? They are joy,
anger, sadness, fear, love, disliking, and liking.
These seven feelings belong to men without their
learning them. What are ' the things which men
consider right ?' Kindness on the part of the father,
and filial duty on that of the son ; gentleness on the
part of the elder brother, and obedience on that of

1 I have here followed the A7nen-lung editors in preference to
A'ang Khang-£Mng and others. The latter consider that the
cunning, passion, and covetousness are those of the men whom
the ruler employs, — vices generally found along with the good
qualities belonging to them.

2 It is not easy to see the ground of the reprehension of the
devotion of a Great officer which is here implied. ' The care of the
state is a trust committed to the ruler by the sovereign, — he
should die in maintaining it. An officer has services to discharge,
and not trusts to maintain. When the services can no longer be
discharged, he may leave them and save himself ' (?).

->So THE LI AT. BK. vn.

the younger ; righteousness on the part of the hus-
band, and submission on that of the wife ; kindness
on the part of elders, and deference on that of
juniors ; with benevolence on the part of the ruler,
and loyalty on that of the minister; — these ten
are the things which men consider to be right.
Truthfulness in speech and the cultivation of harmony
constitute what are called ' the things advantageous
to men.' Quarrels, plundering, and murders are
' the things disastrous to men.' Hence, when a sage
(ruler) would regulate the seven feelings of men,
cultivate the ten virtues that are right ; promote
truthfulness of speech, and the maintenance of har-
mony ; show his value for kindly consideration and
complaisant courtesy; and put away quarrelling and
plundering, if he neglect the rules of propriety, how
shall he succeed ?

20. The things which men greatly desire are com-
prehended in meat and drink and sexual pleasure ;
those which they greatly dislike are comprehended
in death, exile, poverty, and suffering. Thus liking
and disliking are the orreat elements in men's minds.
But men keep them hidden in their minds, where
they cannot be fathomed or measured. The good
and the bad of them being in their minds, and no
outward manifestation of them being visible, if it be
wished to determine these qualities in one uniform
way, how can it be done without the use of the rules
of propriety (implied in the ceremonial usages)?

Section III.

1. Man is (the product of) the attributes of
Heaven and Earth, (by) the interaction of the dual

SECT. ill. THE LI YUN. 381

forces of nature, the union of the animal and
intelligent (souls), and the finest subtile matter of
the five elements1.

2. Heaven exercises the control of the strong" and
light force, and hangs out the sun and stars. Earth
exercises the control of the dark and weaker force,
and gives vent to it in the hills and streams. The
five elements are distributed through the four
seasons, and it is by their harmonious action that
the moon is produced, which therefore keeps waxing
for fifteen days and waning for fifteen2.

1 Callery's translation of this paragraph is the following : —
' L'homme dmane, (pour le moral), de la vertu du Ciel et de la
Terre ; (pour le physique il dmane) de la combinaison des (deux
principes) Yin et Yang; (pour la partie spirituelle, il dmane)
de la reunion des esprits et des Dieux ; et pour la forme qui lui
est propre, il dmane de l'essence la plus subtile des cinq Elements.'
To this he subjoins the following note : — ' II m'est difficile de
croire que les Chinois eux-memes aient jamais rien compris a
ces theories androgdnesiques, dont tout le mdrite git dans le vague
de Tenoned.' The A7nen-lung editors say : — ' The characteristic
attributes of Heaven and Earth are blended and hid in the two
forces of nature; and this is called the truth that is unlimited.
If we speak of those forces in their fundamental character, we call
them the Yin and Yang. If we speak of them as they develop
their power, we call them Kwei and Shan. If we speak of
them as they become substantial, we call them the five elements.
And this is what is called the essence of what is meant by the
second and fifth lines of the Khien hexagram,' &c. &c.

2 Gallery says here : — ' C'cst toujours l'application de la thdorie
des affinitds naturelles dont nous avons parld (see note, p. 281) et
dont il importe de bien se pdndtrer lorsqu'on veut comprendre
quelque chose aux dissertations philosophiques des Chinois.' But
after the student has done his best to get hold of the theory, he
will often be baffled in trying to follow the applications of it. For
example, I cannot get hold of what is said here about the genesis
of the moon. Much of the next four paragraphs is very obscure.

82 THE Lt A'i. BK. vii.

3. The five elements in their movements alter-
nately displace and exhaust one another. Each one
of them, in the revolving course of the twelve months
of the four seasons, comes to be in its turn the
fundamental one for the time.

4. The five notes of harmony, with their six upper
musical accords, and the twelve pitch-tubes, come
each, in their revolutions among themselves, to be
the first note of the scale.

5. The five flavours, with the six condiments, and
the twelve articles of diet, come each one, in their
revolutions (in the course of the year), to give its
character to the food.

6. The five colours, with the six elegant figures,
which they form on the two robes, come each one,
in their revolutions among themselves, to give the
character of the dress that is worn.

7. Therefore Man is the heart and mind of
Heaven and Earth, and the visible embodiment of
the five elements. He lives in the enjoyment of all
flavours, the discriminating of all notes (of harmony),
and the enrobing of all colours1.

A little light seems to flash on them from parts of different
sections of Book IV, but it is neither bright nor steady.

1 For this paragraph M. Callery gives : — ' L'homme est done
le coeur du Ciel et de la Terre, la fine essence des cinq elements,
et vit en mangeant des choses sapides, en distinguant les sons, et
en s'habillant de differentes couleurs (contrairement a la brute, dont
les gouts sont grossiers, et les instincts sans raison).' Of course
the first predicate about man, and, we might almost say, the second
also, are metaphorical. ' La fine essence ' is not a correct trans-
lation of the text in the second predicate, the Chinese character
so rendered is different from the two characters in paragraph 1.
On the former predicate Hsiang An-shih (Sung dynasty) says : —

THE LI YUN. 38.

SECT. III. I lit tl WIS. v-jo^

8. Thus it was that when the sages would make
rules (for men), they felt it necessary to find the origin
(of all things) in heaven and earth ; to make the two
forces (of nature) the commencement (of all) ; to use
the four seasons as the handle (of their arrange-
ments) ; to adopt the sun and stars as the recorders
(of time), the moon as the measurer (of work to be
done), the spirits breathing (in nature) as associates1,
the five elements as giving substance (to things),
rules of propriety and righteousness as (their) instru-
ments, the feelings of men as the field (to be
cultivated), and the four intelligent creatures as
domestic animals (to be reared)'2.

9. The origin of all things being found in heaven
and earth, they could be taken in hand, one after
the othe*r. The commencement of these being
found in the two forces (of nature), their character
and tendencies could be observed. The four
seasons being used as a handle, (the people) could
be stimulated to the business (of each). The sun
and stars being constituted the measures of time,

'The heart of Heaven and Earth is simply benevolence. The
perfect benevolence of Heaven and Earth is lodged in man.
Given the human body, and forthwith there is the benevolent
heart. Hence it is said (Mencius VII, ii, 16), "Man is bene-
volence ; " " Benevolence is the heart of man." Moreover, the heart
of Heaven and Earth is seen in the very idea of life, so that the
heart (or kernel) of all fruits is called san (^) or benevolence,

which is again a name for man (f~* ^ ^ "]&)•

1 Gallery has for this : — ' Les Esprits et les Dieux pour com-
pagnons;' Medhurst, ' the Kwei Shins, as the associates.' A'ang
and Khung say that by Kwei Shan are to be understood 'the
hills and streams of last section,' paragraph 12, for 'those help the
respiration of the earth.'

2 See paragraph 10.

384 TIIE LI ^\.

BK. VII.

that business could be laid out in order. The moon
being taken as the measure (of work to be done),
that work could be accomplished successfully. The
spirits breathing (in nature) being considered as
associates, what is done will be maintained perma-
nently. The five elements being considered as
giving substance (to things), what has been done
could be repeated. Rules of propriety and righteous-
ness being- viewed as the instruments, whatever was
done would be completed. The feelings of men
being the field to be cultivated, men would look up
(to the sages) as to their lords. The four intelligent
creatures being made to become domestic animals,
there would be constant sources of food and drink.

10. What were the four intelligent creatures1 ?
They were the AV/i-lin, the phoenix, the tortoise,
and the dragon. When the dragon becomes a
domestic animal, (all other) fishes and the sturgeon do
not lie hidden from men (in the mud). When the
phoenix becomes so, the birds do not fly from them
in terror. When the AVn-lin does so, the beasts
do not scamper away. When the tortoise does so,
the feelings of men take no erroneous course.

1 Callery calls these four creatures ' le cerf, l'aigle, la tortue, et
le dragon;' and says: — ' D'apres la mythologie historique des
Chinois, ces quatre animaux ne se montrent sur la terre que sous
le regne des empereurs d'une vertu extraordinaire. Alors, la plus
grande paix regne dans 1'univers ; tous les hommes sont heureux ;
personne ne manque de rien: — C'est l'age d'or, moins les idees
poetiques des Grecs et des Latins.' All the four excepting the
tortoise are fabulous animals, and even Confucius believed in
them (Ana. IX, 8). The lesson drawn from the text by many
is that men's goodness is the pledge of, and the way to, all
prosperity.

SECT. IV.

THE LI YUN. 3^5

Section IV.

i. The ancient kings made use of the stalks and
the tortoise-shell ; arranged their sacrifices ; buried
their offerings of silk ; recited their words of suppli-
cation and benediction ; and made their statutes and
measures. In this way arose the ceremonial usages
of the states, the official departments with their
administrators, each separate business with its own
duties, and the rules of ceremony in their orderly
arrangements.

2. Thus it was that the ancient kings were troubled
lest the ceremonial usages should not be generally
understood by all below them. They therefore
sacrificed to God in the suburb (of the capital), and
thus the place of heaven was established. They
sacrificed at the altar of the earth inside the capital,
and thus they intimated the benefits derived from
the earth. Their sacrifices in the ancestral temple
gave their fundamental place to the sentiments of
humanity. Those at the altars of the hills and
streams served to mark their intercourse with the
spirits breathing (in nature). Their five sacrifices (of
the house) were a recognition of the various business
which was to be done.

For the same reason, there are the officers of
prayer in the ancestral temple ; the three ducal
ministers in the court ; and the three classes of old
men in the college. In front of the king there were
the sorcerers, and behind him the recorders ; the
diviners by the tortoise-shell and by the stalks, the
blind musicians and their helpers were all on his left
and right. He himself was in the centre. His
[27] c c

?86 THE Li KL BK. VII.

mind had nothing to do, but to maintain what was
entirely correct.

3. By means of the ceremonies performed in the
suburb, all the spirits receive their offices. By
means of those performed at the altar of the earth,
all the things yielded (by the earth) receive their
fullest development. By means of those in the
ancestral temple, the services of filial duty and of
kindly affection come to be discharged. By means
of those at the five sacrifices of the house, the laws
and rules of life are correctly exhibited. Hence
when the ideas in these sacrifices in the suburb, at
the altar of the earth, in the ancestral temple, at the
altars of the hills and streams, and of the five sacri-
fices of the house are fully apprehended, the cere-
monies used are found to be lodged in them1.

4. From all this it follows that rules of ceremony
must be traced to their origin in the Grand Unity2.

1 iTang explains ' all the spirits ; in the first sentence of this
paragraph by ' all the constellations.' Khung agrees with him.
iify&an Hao (Yuan dynasty) explains it of ' wind, rain, cold, and
heat.' The JOien-lung editors say that the two explanations must
be united. But why are these phenomena described as all or
'the hundred spirits?' Is it by personification? or a kind of
pantheism ?

2 Medhurst translated this name by < the Supreme One ; ' Cal-
lery, as I do, by ' la Grande Unite*,' adding in parentheses, ' prin-
cipe de toutes choses.' Does the name denote what we are to
consider an Immaterial Being, acting with wisdom, intention, and
goodness? Medhurst came to this conclusion. He says : — 'Thai
Yi Hb — ') must mean the Supreme One, or the infinitely great
and undivided one. Bearing in mind also that this paragraph
follows another in which Ti (^), the ruling Power, is honoured
with the highest adoration, and that this ruling Power is the same

SECT. IV. THE ii YUN. 387

This separated and became heaven and earth. It
revolved and became the dual force (in nature).

with the being here called the Supreme One, there can be no doubt
that the reference in the whole passage is to the Almighty One
who rules over all things' (Dissertation on the Theology of the
Chinese, p. 85). He goes on to say that ' the Critical Com-
mentary makes this still more plain by saying that this Supreme
One is the source of all others, and that he existed before the
powers of nature were divided, and before the myriad things were
produced, the one only being. The operations ascribed to him of
dividing heaven and earth, of revolving light and darkness, of
changing the four seasons, and of appointing the various Kwei
Shins to their several offices, are all indicative of that omnipotent
power which must be ascribed to him alone.' But the operations
referred to in this last sentence are mentioned in the text, not as
performed by the Supreme One, but as undergone by the Grand
Unity. And, moreover, ' the Critical Commentary ' yields a testi-
mony different from what Dr. Medhurst supposed. Khung Ying-ta
says : — ' The name Thai Yi means the original vapoury matter of
chaos, before the separation of heaven and earth (-Jr* — » ^@ -^C

Wi ^c #> %M J& <I 7ti M) > and there is nothing in any

of the other commentators contrary to this. But the concluding
sentence of the paragraph, that ' The law and authority (of all the
lessons in the rules of ceremony) is in Heaven,' seems to me to
imply ' a recognition (indistinct it may be) of a Power or Being
anterior to and independent of the Grand Unity.' Wu A7*ang
says: — ' The character Thien (Heaven) is used to cover the five
things — the Grand Unity, heaven and earth, the (dual force of) Yin
and Yang, the four seasons, and the Kwei Shan.' The attempt,
apparent in the whole treatise, to give Taoistic views a place in the
old philosophy of the nation, is prominent here. Medhurst is
not correct in saying that the Ti (<^») in paragraph 2 is the same
as the Thai Yi in this paragraph, but It, or rather He, is the same
as the Thien (^) with which it concludes. The earliest Chinese
adopted Thien or Heaven as the name for the supreme Power,
which arose in their minds on the contemplation of the order of
nature, and the principles of love and righteousness developed
in the constitution of man and the course of providence, and

C C 2

388 THE Li Kl

bk. VII.

It changed and became the four seasons. It was dis-
tributed and became the breathings (thrilling in the
universal frame). Its (lessons) transmitted (to men)
are called its orders ; the law and authority of them
is in Heaven.

5. While the rules of ceremony have their origin
in heaven, the movement of them reaches to earth.
The distribution of them extends to all the business
(of life). They change with the seasons ; they agree
in reference to the (variations of) lot and condition.
In regard to man, they serve to nurture (his nature).
They are practised by means of offerings, acts of
strength, words and postures of courtesy, in eating
and drinking, in the observances of capping, mar-
riage, mourning, sacrificing, archery, chariot-driving,
audiences, and friendly missions.

6. Thus propriety and righteousness are the great
elements for man's (character) ; it is by means of
them that his speech is the expression of truth and
his intercourse (with others) the promotion of har-
mony ; they are (like) the union of the cuticle and
cutis, and the binding together of the muscles and
bones in strengthening (the body). They constitute
the great methods by which we nourish the living,

proceeded to devise the personal name of Ti or God, as the
appellation of this ; and neither Taoism, nor any other form of
materialistic philosophising, has succeeded in eradicating the pre-
cious inheritance of those two terms from the mind of peasant or
scholar.

Callery has misconstrued the paragraph by making « Les
Rites,' or the ' toutes choses ' of his gloss, the subject of all the
predicates in it : — ' Les rites ont pour origine essentielle la -Grande
Unitd (principe de toutes choses). lis se divisent ensuite, les
uns pour le Ciel, les autres pour la Terre/ &c.

SECT. IV. THE Li YUN. 389

bury the dead, and serve the spirits of the de-
parted. They supply the channels by which we can
apprehend the ways of Heaven and act as the feelings
of men require. It was on this account that the sages
knew that the rules of ceremony could not be dis-
pensed with, while the ruin of states, the destruction
of families, and the perishing of individuals are
always preceded by their abandonment of the rules
of propriety.

7. Therefore the rules of propriety are for man
what the yeast is for liquor 1. The superior man by
(his use of them) becomes better and greater. The
small man by his neglect of them becomes meaner
and worse.

8. Therefore the sage king's cultivated and
fashioned the lever of righteousness and the order-
ing of ceremonial usages, in order to regulate the
feelings of men. Those feelings were the field (to
be cultivated by) the sage kings. They fashioned
the rules of ceremony to plough it. They set forth
the principles of righteousness with which to plant it-
They instituted the lessons of the school to weed
it. They made love the fundamental subject by
which to gather all its fruits, and they employed
the training in music to give repose (to the minds
of learners).

1 On this comparison Callery says : — ' Ce que les Chinois
appellent du vin (yM) n'dtant une autre chose qu'une eau de vie
de grains obtenue par la distillation, plus il y a de ferment dans
la macdration primitive, plus la fermentation vineuse est forte, et
plus il y a d'alcool quand on la passe par l'alambic. De la cette
comparaison entre le degre" d'urbanite' chez le sage et le degre* de
force dans le vin.'

39O THE Li Kl. BK. vii.

9. Thus, rules of ceremony are the embodied ex-
pression of what is right. If an observance stand
the test of being judged by the standard of what is
right, although it may not have been among the
usages of the ancient kings, it may be adopted on
the ground of its being right.

10. (The idea of) right makes the distinction be-
tween things, and serves to regulate (the manifest-
ation of) humanity. When it is found in anything
and its relation to humanity has been discussed,
the possessor of it will be strong.

11. Humanity is the root of right, and the em-
bodying of deferential consideration. The possessor
of it is honoured.

12. Therefore to govern a state without the rules
of propriety would be to plough a field without a
share. To make those rules without laying their
foundation in right would be to plough the ground
and not sow the seed. To think to practise the right
without enforcing it in the school would be to sow
the seed and not weed the plants. To enforce the
lessons in the schools, and insist on their agreement
with humanity, would be to weed and not to reap.
To insist on the agreement of the lessons with
humanity, and not give repose to (the minds of) the
learners by music, would be to reap, and not eat (the
product). To supply the repose of music and not pro-
ceed to the result of deferential consideration would
be to eat the product and get no fattening from it.

1 3. When the four limbs are all well proportioned,
and the skin is smooth and full, the individual is in
good condition. When there is generous affection
between father and son, harmony between brothers,

SECT. IV.

THE Li YUN. 391

and happy union between husband and wife, the
family is in good condition. When the great minis-
ters are observant of the laws, the smaller ministers
pure, officers and their duties kept in their regular
relations and the ruler and his ministers are correctly
helpful to one another, the state is in good condition.
When the son of Heaven moves in his virtue as a
chariot, with music as his driver, while all the princes
conduct their mutual intercourse according to the
rules of propriety, the Great officers maintain the
order between them according to the laws, inferior
officers complete one another by their good faith, and
the common people guard one another with a spirit of
harmony, all under the sky is in good condition.
All this produces what we call (the state of) great
mutual consideration (and harmony).

14. This great mutual consideration and harmony
would ensure the constant nourishment of the living,
the burial of the dead, and the service of the spirits
(of the departed). However greatly things might
accumulate, there would be no entanglement among
them. They would move on together without error,
and the smallest matters would proceed without
failure. However deep some might be, they would
be comprehended. However thick and close their
array, there would be spaces between them. They
would follow one another without coming into contact.
They would move about without doing any hurt to
one another. This would be the perfection of such
a state of mutual harmony.

15. Therefore the clear understanding of this
state will lead to the securing of safety in the midst
of danger. Hence the different usages of ceremony,

392 THE LI kL

bk. vir.

and the maintenance of them in their relative pro-
portions as many or few, are means of keeping hold
of the feelings of men, and of uniting (high and low,
and saving them from) peril.

1 6. The sage kings showed their sense of this
state of harmony in the following way : — They did
not make the occupants of the hills (remove and)
live by the streams, nor the occupants of the islands
(remove and live) in the plains ; and thus the (people)
complained of no hardship. They used water, fire,
metal, wood, and the different articles of food and
drink, each in its proper season. They promoted
the marriages of men. and women, and distributed
rank and office, according to the years and virtues of
the parties. They employed the people with due
regard to their duties and wishes. Thus it was that
there were no plagues of flood, drought, or insects,
and the people did not suffer from bad grass or famine,
from untimely deaths or irregular births. On account
of all this heaven did not grudge its methods ; earth
did not grudge its treasures ; men did not grudge
(the regulation of) their feelings. Heaven sent down
its fattening dews1; earth sent forth its springs of
sweet wine 1 ; hills produced implements and chariots 2 ;
the Ho sent forth the horse with the map (on his

1 Kio Yi in his Filial Miscellanies, Book III, art. 9, contends
that these are only different names for the same phenomenon.
Few readers will agree with him, though the language means
no more than that ' the dews were abundant, and the water of the
springs delicious.'

2 There must have been some legend which would have ex-
plained this language, but I have not succeeded in finding any
trace of it..

SECT. IV.

THE l{ yun. 393

back)1. Phoenixes and AVn-lins were among the
trees of the suburbs, tortoises and dragons in the
ponds of the palaces, while the other birds and beasts
could be seen at a glance in their nests and breeding
places. All this resulted from no other cause but
that the ancient kings were able to fashion their
ceremonial usages so as to convey the underlying
ideas of right, and embody their truthfulness so as to
secure the universal and mutual harmony. This was
the realisation of it.

1 The famous ' River Map ' from which, it has been fabled,
Fu-hsi fashioned his eight trigrams. See vol. xvi, pp. 14-16.

BOOK VIII. THE Ll KH\

OR
RITES IN THE FORMATION OF CHARACTER1.

Section I.

i. The rules of propriety serve as instruments to
form men's characters, and they are therefore pre-
pared on a great scale. Being so, the value of them
is very high. They remove from a man all per-
versity, and increase what is beautiful in his nature.
They make him correct, when employed in the
ordering of himself ; they ensure for him free course,
when employed towards others. They are to
him what their outer coating is to bamboos, and
what its heart is to a pine or cypress2. These two
are the best of all the productions of the (vegetable)
world. They endure through all the four seasons,
without altering a branch or changing a leaf. The
superior man observes these rules of propriety, so
that all in a wider circle are harmonious with him,
and those in his narrower circle have no dissatisfac-
tions with him. Men acknowledge and are affected
by his goodness, and spirits enjoy his virtue.

2. The rules as instituted by the ancient kings
had their radical element and their outward and

1 See the introductory notice, p. 25.

2 The author evidently knew the different conditions of their
structure on which the growth and vigour of Endogens (the mono-
cotyledonous plants) and Exogens (dicotyledons) respectively
depend.

SECT. I. THE LI KHl. 395

elegant form. A true heart and good faith are their
radical element. The characteristics of each accord-
ing to the idea of what is right in it are its outward
and elegant form. Without the radical element, they
could not have been established ; without the
elegant form, they could not have been put in
practice1.

3. (The things used in performing) the rites should
be suitable to the season, taken from the resources
supplied by the ground, in accordance with (the re-
quirements of) the spirits2, and agreeable to the
minds of men ; — according to the characteristics of
all things. Thus each season has its productions,
each soil its appropriate produce, each sense its
peculiar power, and each thing its advantageousness.
Therefore what any season does not produce, what
any soil does not nourish, will not be used by a
superior man in performing his rites, nor be enjoyed
by the spirits. If mountaineers were to (seek to)
use fish and turtles in their rites, or the dwellers

1 Callery gives for this short paragraph : — ' Les rites 6tablis par
les anciens rois ont leur essence intime' et leur dehors ; la droiture
est l'essence des rites ; leur accord patent avec la raison en est le
dehors. Sans essence, ils ne peuvent exister ; sans dehors ils ne
peuvent fonctionner.' He appends a long note on the difficulty
of translation occasioned by the character ^£ (wan), which he
renders by Me dehors,' and I by 'the outward, elegant form;' and
concludes by saying, ' Traduise mieux qui pourra.' I can only say
that I have done the best I could (at the time) with this and
every other paragraph.

2 Khung Ying-ta says here that ' the spirits were men who,
when alive, had done good service, and were therefore sacrificed to
when dead. From which it follows that what was agreeable to the
minds of men would be in accordance with (the requirements of)
the spirits.'

396 THE Li kI.

BK. VILI.

near lakes, deer and pigs, the superior man would
say of them that they did not know (the nature of)
those usages.

4. Therefore it is necessary to take the estab-
lished revenues of a state as the great rule for its
ceremonial (expenditure). Important for the deter-
mination of this is the size of its territory. The
amount of the offerings (also) should have regard to
the character of the year as good or bad. In this
way, though the harvest of a year may be very
defective, the masses will not be afraid, and the
ceremonies as appointed by the superiors will be
economically regulated.

5. In (judging of) rites the time1 should be the
great consideration. (Their relation to) natural
duties, their material substance, their appropriate-
ness to circumstances, and their proportioning are
all secondary.

Yao's resignation of the throne to Shun, and
Shun's resignation of it to Yu; Thang's dethrone-
ment of A'ieh ; and the overthrow of A'au by Wan
and Wu :— all these are to be judged of by the time.
As the Book of Poetry says,
' It was not that he was in haste to gratify his
wishes ;
It was to show the filial duty that had come down
to him.'

1 ' The time ' comes about by the ordering of heaven. The
instances given of it are all great events in the changing of
dynasties. Bat such changes can hardly be regarded as rites.
Perhaps the writer thought that the abdication in some cases, and
the violent dethroning in others, were precedents, which might be
regarded as having that character. For the quotation from the
Shih, which is not very happy, see Part III, ode 10, 2.

SECT. I.

the Li KHt 397

The sacrifices to heaven and earth ; the services of
the ancestral temple ; the courses for father and son ;
and the righteousness between ruler and minister : —
these are to be judged of as natural duties.

The services at the altars of the land and grain
and of the hills and streams ; and the sacrifices to
spirits : — these are to be judged of by the material
substance of the offerings. The use of the funeral
rites and sacrifices ; and the reciprocities of host and
guest : — these are to be judged of by their appro-
priateness to circumstances.

Sacrificing with a lamb and a sucking pig, by the
multitude of officers, when yet there was enough ;
and sacrificing with an ox, a ram, and a boar, when
yet there was nothing to spare : — in these we have
an instance of the proportioning.

6. The princes set great store by the tortoise, and
consider their jade-tokens as the insignia of their
rank, while the (chiefs of) clans have not the tor-
toises that are so precious, nor the jade-tokens to
keep (by themselves), nor the towered gateways : —
these (also) are instances of the proportioning.

7. In some ceremonial usages the multitude of
thines formed the mark of distinction. The son of
Heaven had 7 shrines in his ancestral temple ; the
prince of a state, 5 ; Great officers, 3 ; and other
officers, 1. The dishes of the son of Heaven on
stands were 26; of a duke, 16; of another prince,
12; of a Great officer of the upper class, 8 ; of one
of the lower class, 6. To a prince there were given
7 attendants and 7 oxen ; and to a Great officer, 5
of each. The son of Heaven sat on 5 mats placed
over one another ; a prince, on 3 ; and a Great officer,

398 THE Ll jrf.

BK. VIII.

on 2. When the son of Heaven died, he was buried
after 7 months, in a fivefold coffin, with 8 plumes ;
a prince was buried after 5 months, in a threefold
coffin, with 6 plumes ; a Great officer after 3 months,
in a twofold coffin, with 4 plumes. In these cases, the
multitude of things was the mark of distinction1.

8. In other usages, the paucity of things formed
the mark of distinction. To the son of Heaven
there were given no attendants 2, and he sacrificed
to Heaven with a single victim ; when he visited the
princes (on his tours of inspection), he was feasted
with a single bullock. When princes went to the
courts of one another, fragrant spirits were used in
libations, and there were no dishes on stands, either
of wood or bamboo. At friendly missions by Great
officers, the ceremonial offerings were slices of dried
meat and pickles. The son of Heaven declared
himself satisfied after 1 dish ; a prince, after 2 ; a
Great officer and other officers, after 3 ; while no
limit was set to the eating of people who lived by
their labour. (The horses of) the Great carriage had
1 ornamental tassel at their breast-bands ; those of
the other carriages had 7 (pieces of) jade for rank-
tokens ; and libation cups were presented singly ; as
also the tiger-shaped and yellow cups. In sacrificing
to spirits a single mat was used ; when princes were
giving audience to their ministers, they (bowed to) the
Great officers one by one, but to all the other officers

1 The different views in attempting to verify all the numbers
and other points in the specifications here are endless.

2 The attendants waited on the visitors. But the son of Heaven
was lord of all under the sky. He was at home everywhere ; and
could not be received as a visitor.

SECT. I.

the ii khI. 399

together. In these cases the fewness of the things
formed the mark of distinction.

9. In others, greatness of size formed the mark.
The dimensions of palaces and apartments ; the
measurements of dishes and (other) articles ; the
thickness of the inner and outer coffins ; the great-
ness of eminences and mounds l : — these were cases
in which the greatness of size was the mark.

10. In others, smallness of size formed the mark.
At the sacrifices of the ancestral temple, the highest
in rank presented a cup (of spirits to the represent-
ative of the dead), and the low, a san (containing five
times as much) : (at some other sacrifices), the
honourable took a /£/zih (containing 3 cups), and the
low a horn (containing 4). (At the feasts of vis-
counts and barons), when the vase went round 5
times, outside the door was the earthenware fau (of
supply), and inside, the hii; while the ruler's vase
was an earthenware wu : — these were cases in which
the smallness of size was the mark of distinction 2.

11. In others, the height formed the mark of

1 Both these names refer, probably, to mounds raised over the
dead. Those over the emperors of the Ming dynasty, about
midway between Peking and the Great Wall, and that over Con-
fucius at .ffM-fu in Shan-tung, are the best specimens of these
which I have seen.

2 It is difficult to explain fully and verify all the statements in
this paragraph, for want of evidence. The unit in them is the
shang (^f-), or ' pint,' now = 1-031 litre; the cup, (jio, ||f)
contained one shang; the khih (jpp), three; the kib (ji}),
four; and the san (||j]r), five. The hu (fnjj contained one
'stone' (^), = 10-310 litre; and the wu ($pj) = 51-55. The
size of the fau (^Jy) is unknown.

4-00 THE L$ xt.

BK. VIII.

distinction. The hall of the son of Heaven was
ascended by 9 steps1 ; that of a prince, by 7 ; that
of a Great officer, by 5 ; and that of an ordinary
officer, by 3. The son of Heaven and the princes
had (also) the towered gateway. In these cases
height was the mark.

12. In others, the lowness formed the mark. In
sacrificing, the highest reverence was not shown on
the raised altar, but on the ground beneath, which
had been swept. The vases of the son of Heaven
and the princes were set on a tray without feet 2 ;
those of Great and other officers on one with feet
(3 inches high). In these cases the lowness was the
mark of distinction.

13. In others, ornament formed the mark. The
son of Heaven wore his upper robe with the dragons
figured on it ; princes, the lower robe with the axes
embroidered on it ; Great officers, their lower robe
with the symbol of distinction ; and other officers,
the dark-coloured upper robe, and the lower one red.
The cap of the son of Heaven had 12 pendents
of jade beads set on strings hanging down of red
and green silk ; that of princes, 9 ; that of Great
officers of the highest grade, 7 ; and if they were
of the lowest grade, 5 ; and that of other officers, 3.
In these cases the ornament was the mark of
distinction.

14. In others, plainness formed the mark. Acts
of the greatest reverence admit of no ornament.

1 This literally is ' nine cubits ; ' each step, it is said, was a
cubit high.

2 This tray was four cubits long, two cubits four inches wide,
and five inches deep.

SECT. I.

THE ii KH\. 40I

The relatives of a father do not put themselves into
postures (like other visitors). The Grand jade-token
has no enoravino; Gn it. The Grand soup has no
condiments. The Grand carriage is plain, and the
mats in it are of rushes. The goblet with the
victim-ox carved on it is covered with a plain white
cloth. The ladle is made of white-veined wood.
These are cases in which plainness is the mark.

15. Confucius said, ' Ceremonial usages should be
most carefully considered.' This is the meaning of
the remark that 'while usages are different, the
relations between them as many or few should be
maintained1.' His words had reference to the pro-
portioning of rites.

16. That in the (instituting of) rites the multi-
tude of things was considered a mark of distinction,

arose from the minds (of the framers) being directed
outwards. The energy (of nature) shoots forth and
is displayed everywhere in all things, with a great
discriminating control over their vast multitude. In
such a case, how could they keep from making
multitude a mark of distinction in rites ? Hence the
superior men, (the framers), rejoiced in displaying
(their discrimination).

But that in (the instituting of) rites the paucity
of things was (also) considered a mark of distinction,
arose from the minds (of the framers) being directed
inwards. Extreme as is the energy (of nature) in
production, it is exquisite and minute. When we
look at all the things under the sky, they do not

1 See page 392, paragraph 15. We may conclude that the Li
Yun was compiled and published before the Li AV/i; or it may be
that the sentences common to them both had long been in use.
[27] D d

402

THE LI Kt. bk. VIII.

seem to be in proportion to that energy. In such a
case, how could they keep from considering paucity
a mark of distinction ? Hence the superior men,
(the framers), watched carefully over the solitude (of
their own thoughts)1.

1 7. The ancient sages (thus) gave honour to what
was internal, and sought pleasure in what was ex-
ternal ; found a mark of distinction in paucity, and
one of what was admirable in multitude ; and there-
fore in the ceremonial usages instituted by the
ancient kinofs we should look neither for multitude
nor for paucity, but for the due relative proportion.

18. Therefore, when a man of rank uses a large
victim in sacrifice, we say he acts according to pro-
priety, but when an ordinary officer does so, we say
he commits an act of usurpation.

19. Kwan A'ung had his sacrificial dishes of grain
carved, and red bands to his cap ; fashioned hills on
the capitals of his pillars, and pondweed on the small
pillars above the beams 2 : — the superior man con-
sidered it wild extravagance.

20. An Phing-/£ung, in sacrificing to his father,
used a sucking-pig which did not fill the dish, and
went to court in an (old) washed robe and cap : —
the superior man considered it was niggardliness3.

1 Callery thinks that the theory about rites underlying this
paragraph is ' eminemment obscure.' One difficulty with me is to
discover any connection between its parts and what is said in
paragraphs 7 and 8 about the ' multitude and paucity of rites.'

2 See the Analects, V, xvii, and the note there. In that passage
the extravagance is charged on the Bang Wan-/fring of para-
graph 23.

3 An Phing-£ung was a Great officer of Kh% and ought not to
have been so niggardly.

SECT. I.

THE Li Kh\. 4°;

21. Therefore the superior man thinks it necessary
to use the utmost care in his practice of ceremonies.
They are the bond that holds the multitudes together :
and if the bond be removed, those multitudes fall
into confusion. Confucius said, * If I fight, I over-
come ; when I sacrifice, I receive blessing1.' He
said so, because he had the right way (of doing
everything).

22. A superior man will say-2, 'The object in sacri-
fices is not to pray ; the time of them should not be
hastened on ; a great apparatus is not required at
them ; ornamental matters are not to be approved ;
the victims need not be fat and large ; a profusion
of the other offerings is not to be admired/

23. Confucius said, ' How can it be said that 3ang
Wan-/6ung was acquainted with the rules of propriety?
When Hsia ¥t\-kh\ went right in the teeth of sacri-
ficial order3, he did not stop him, (nor could he

1 It is understood that the ' I ' is not used by Confucius of
himself, but as personating one who knew the true nature of
ceremonial usages. See the language again in the next Book,
Sect, i, 22 ; it is found also in the ' Narratives of the School.'

2 A7/an Hao remarks that the compiler of the Book intends
himself by ' the superior man.' Thus the compiler delivers his own
judgment in an indirect way. Most of what he says will be
admitted. It is to the general effect that simple offerings and
sincere worship are acceptable, more acceptable than rich offerings
and a formal service. But is he right in saying that in sacrificing
we should not ' pray ? ' So long as men feel their own weakness
and needs, they will not fail to pray at their religious services.
So it has been in China in all the past as much as elsewhere.

3 Hsia Yix-k/n was the keeper, or minister in charge, of the
ancestral temple of Lu, and contemporary with %ang Wan-^ung
during the marquisates of 4Twang, Wan, and Hsi. He introduced
at least one great irregularity in the ancestral temple, placing the

D d 2

404 THE li Kl.

BK. VIII.

prevent) his burning a pile of firewood in sacrificing
to the spirit of the furnace. Now that sacrifice is
paid to an old wife. The materials for it might be
contained in a tub, and the vase is the (common)
wine-jar.'

Section II.

1. The rules of propriety may be compared to the
human body. When the parts of one's body are
not complete, the beholder1 will call him 'An im-
perfect man ;' and so a rule which has been made
unsuitably may be denominated ' incomplete.'

Some ceremonies are great, and some small; some
are manifest, and some minute. The great should
not be diminished, nor the small increased. The
manifest should not be hidden, nor the minute made
great. But while the important rules are 300, and
the smaller rules 3000, the result to which they all
lead is one and the same2. No one can enter an
apartment but by the door.

2. A superior man in his observance of the rules,
where he does his utmost and uses the greatest care,
is extreme in his reverence and the manifestation of
sincerity. Where they excite admiration and an

tablet of Hsi above that of Wan ; and Wan-^ung made no pro-
test. Of the other irregularity mentioned in the text we have not
much information ; and I need not try to explain it. It seems to
me that it must have been greater than the other.

1 The text has here ' the superior man,' for which Callery has
' au dire du sage.'

2 See Book XXVIII, ii, paragraph 38. What the 300 and 3000
rules are is very much disputed. The ' one and the same result '
is, according to most, ' reverence and sincerity ; ' according to
some, ' suitability.'

SECT. II.

THE LI KU\. 405

elegant attractiveness, there is (still) that manifesta-
tion of sincerity.

3. A superior man, in his consideration of the rules,
finds those which are carried directly into practice ;
those in which one has to bend and make some
modification ; those which are regular and the same
for all classes; those which are diminished in a certain
order ; those in which (a kind of) transplantation
takes place, and (the ceremony) is distributed ; those
in which individuals are pushed forward and take
part in the rules of a higher grade ; those in which
there are ornamental imitations (of natural objects) ;
those in which the ornamental imitations are not
carried out so fully ; and those where appropriation
(of higher observances) is not deemed usurpation1.

4. The usages of the three dynasties had one and
the same object, and the people all observed them.
In such matters as colour, whether it should be white
or dark, Hsia instituted and Yin adopted (its choice,
or did not do so)2.

5. Under the Aau dynasty the representatives of

1 Nine peculiarities in ceremonial usages are here indicated.
It would be possible to illustrate them fully after the most
approved commentators ; but there would be little advantage in
thus recalling the past which has for the most part passed away, —
even in China.

2 Callery takes a different view of the second sentence in this
paragraph, and translates it : — ' (Si quelque chose a subi des modi-
fications, ce n'a 6t6 que) la couleur blanche ou la couleur verte
(caracteristique de telle ou telle autre dynastie ; en dehors de ces
choses peu imporlantes, pour tout ce qui est essentiel) la dynastie
des Yin s'est scrupuleuscment conformde a ce qui a e'te' dtabli par
les Hsia.' His view of the whole paragraph, however, comes to
much the same as mine.

406 THE LI k1.

BK. VIII.

the dead sat. Their monitors and cup-suppliers
observed no regular rules. The usages were the
same (as those of Yin), and the underlying principle
was one. Under the Hsia dynasty, the personators
had stood till the sacrifice was ended, (whereas)
under Yin they sat. Under Aau, when the cup went
round among all, there were six personators1. 3^ng-
jze said, ' The usages of A'au might be compared to
those of a subscription club2.'

6. A superior man will say, ' The usages of cere-
mony that come closest to our human feelings are not
those of the highest sacrifices ; (as may be seen in)
the blood of the border sacrifice ; the raw flesh in
the great offering (to all the royal ancestors) of the
ancestral temple; the sodden flesh, where the spirits
are presented thrice ; and the roast meat, where they
are presented once3.'

7. And so those usages were not devised by'

1 This would be on occasion of the united sacrifice to all the
ancestors ; the personator of Hau K\ being left out of the enume-
ration, as more honourable than the others.

2 That is, all stand equally as if each had paid his contribution to
the expenses.

3 The greatest of all sacrifices was that to Heaven in a suburb
of the capital; the next was the great triennial or quinquennial
sacrifice in the ancestral temple ; the third was that at the altars
of the land and grain, and of the hills and rivers, which is sup-
posed to be described here as that at which ' the cup ' was thrice
presented; and the last in order and importance were small
sacrifices to individual spirits. The four offerings in the text were
presented at the first three ; but not in the same order. That to
Heaven began with blood ; that in the ancestral temple with raw
flesh. Those farthest from our human feelings had the place of
honour in the greatest services. We must seek for a higher and
deeper origin of them than our ordinary feelings.

SECT. II. THE LI KHi. 407

superior men in order to give expression to their
feelings. There was a beginning of them from (the
oldest times) ; as when (two princes) have an inter-
view, there are seven attendants to wait on them
and direct them. Without these the interview would
be too plain and dull. They reach (the ancestral
temple) after the visitor has thrice declined the
welcome of the host, and the host has thrice tried
to give precedence to the other. Without these
courtesies the interview would be too hurried and
abrupt.

In the same way, when in Lu they were about to
perform the service to God (in the suburb), they felt
it necessary first to have a service in the college
with its semicircular pool. When they were about
in 3m to sacrifice to the Ho, they would first do
so to the pool of Wu. When in Kh\ they were
about to sacrifice to mount Thai, they would do so
first in the forest of Phei.

Moreover, the keeping the victims (for the altar of
Heaven) for three months (in the stable) ; the absti-
nence (of the worshippers) for seven days ; and the
vigil of three days : — all showed the extreme degree
of (preparatory) care (for the service).

The ritual arrangements, further, of the reception
(of guests) and communication between them and
the host, and for assisting and guiding the steps of
the (blind) musicians, showed the extreme degree of
kindly (provision)1.

1 It is not easy to construe this paragraph, nor to discover and
indicate the connexion between its different parts. Generally we
may say that it illustrates the previous statement about the rites as
not simply the expression of natural feeling, but of that feeling
wisely guided and embodied so as to be most beneficial to the

408 THE ii k\.

BK. VIII.

8. In ceremonial usages we should go back to the
root of them (in the mind), and maintain the old
(arrangements of them), not forgetting what they
were at first. Hence there is no (need to be) calling
attention to the demonstrations expressive of grief1;
and those which (more particularly) belong to the
court are accompanied by music. There is the use
of sweet spirits, and the value set on water ; there is
the use of the (ordinary) knife, and the honour ex-
pressed by that furnished with (small) bells ; there is
the comfort afforded by the rush and fine bamboo
mats, and the (special) employment of those which
are made of straw. Therefore the ancient kings in
their institution of the rules of propriety had a
ruling idea, and thus it is that they were capable of
being transmitted, and might be learned, however
many they were.

9. The superior man will say, ' If a man do not
have in himself the distinctions (embodied in cere-
monies), he will contemplate that embodiment
without any intelligent discrimination ; if he wish
to exercise that discrimination, and not follow the
guidance of the rules, he will not succeed in his
object. Hence if his practice of ceremonies be not
according to the rules, men will not respect them ;

individual and society. The auxiliary services in the first part of it
were all preparatory to the great services that followed. That in
the great college of Lu was concerned with Hau K\, the ancestor
of the House of A'au and all its branches, and preliminary to the
place he was to occupy at the great sacrifice to Heaven.

The remaining two paragraphs show how the natural feeling
was quietly nourished, guided, and modified.

1 Yet much is said in the Than Kung about those demon-
strations of grief in the mourning rites.

SECT. II.

the li khL 409

and if his words be not according to those rules, men
will not believe them. Accordingly it is said, " The
rules of ceremony are the highest expression of (the
truth of) things.'"

10. Hence it was that in old times, when the
ancient kings instituted ceremonies, they conveyed
their idea by means of the qualities of the articles
and observances which they employed. I n their great
undertakings, they were sure to act in accordance
with the seasons ; in their doings morning and
evening, they imitated the sun and moon ; in what
required a high situation, they took advantage of
mounds and hillocks, and in what required a low
situation, of the (banks of the) rivers and lakes.
Hence each season has its rains and benefits, and
those wise men sought to make use of them with
intelligence with all the earnestness they could
command1.

11. The ancient kings valued (men's) possession
of virtue, honoured those who pursued the right
course, and employed those who displayed ability.
They selected men of talents and virtue, and

1 See Callery's translation of this paragraph. He says on it : —
' Cette peViode offre, par son incoherence, des difficulte's sdrieuses
qui me font supposer une grave alteration du texte primitif ; ' and
justifies his own version by the remark, ' Je me suis dit qu'apres
tout il vaut mieux embellir que d^figurer.' He takes the whole,
like Aang, as referring to the ceremonies of different sacrifices.
Ying Yung (Sung dynasty; earlier than A'u Hsi) understood it more
generally of other royal and imperial doings. The A7/ien-lung
editors say that the two views must be united. They remark on
the last sentence that, as ' every season has its appropriate pro-
ductions and every situation its own suitabilities, we must examine
them in order to use things appropriately.'

4IO THE Li K\.

BK. VIII.

appointed them. They assembled the whole of
them and solemnly addressed them1.

12. Then in accordance with (the height of)
heaven they did service to Heaven, in accordance
with (the lower position of) earth they did service to
Earth ; taking advantage of the famous hills they
ascended them, and announced to Heaven the good
government (of the princes). When thus at the
felicitous spot (chosen for their capitals) they pre-
sented their offerings to God in the suburb and
announced to Heaven (the general good government
from the famous hills), the phoenix descended, and
tortoises and dragons made their appearance2.
When they presented their offerings to God in the
suburb the winds and rains were duly regulated, and
the cold and heat came each in its proper time,
so that the sage (king) had only to stand with his
face to the south, and order prevailed all under
the sky.

13. The courses of the heavenly (bodies) supply
the most perfect lessons, and the sages possessed the
highest degree of virtue. Above, in the hall of the
ancestral temple, there was the jar, with clouds and
hills represented on it on the east, and that with the
victim represented on it on the west. Below the
hall the larger drums were suspended on the west,
and the smaller drums answering to them on the
east. The ruler appeared at the (top of the) steps
on the east ; his wife was in the apartment on the
west. The great luminary makes his appearance in

1 The ' selection ' here, it is understood, was of the functionaries
to take part in the sacrificial ceremonies, and the solemn address
was on the duties they had to perform.

2 See pp. 392, 393, paragraph 16.

sect. ii. the Li kh\. 4 1 I

the east ; the moon makes her appearance in the
west. Such are the different ways in which the pro-
cesses of darkness and light are distributed in nature,
and such are the arrangements for the positions
(corresponding thereto) of husband and wife. The
ruler fills his cup from the jar with an elephant re-
presented on it ; his wife fills hers from that with
clouds and hills. With such reciprocation do the
ceremonies proceed above, while the music responds
in the same way below ; — there is the perfection of
harmony.

14. It is the object of ceremonies to go back to
the circumstances from which they sprang, and of
music to express pleasure in the results which first
gave occasion to it. Thus it was that the ancient
kings, in their institution of ceremonies, sought to
express their regulation of circumstances, and, in
their cultivation of music, to express the aims they
had in mind. Hence by an examination of their
ceremonies and music, the conditions of order and
disorder in which they originated can be known.
A"u Po-yli x said, ' A wise man, by his intelligence,
from the sight of any article, knows the skill of the
artificer, and from the contemplation of an action
knows the wisdom of its performer.' Hence there is
the saying, ' The superior man watches over the
manner in which he maintains his intercourse with
other men.'

1 5. Within the ancestral temple reverence pre-
vailed. The ruler himself led the victim forward,

1 A friend, and perhaps a disciple of Confucius, an officer of tin-
state of Wei. He is mentioned in the Confucian Analects and in
Mencius.

412 THE li KI.

BK. VIII.

while the Great officers assisted and followed, bear-
ing the offerings of silk. The ruler himself cut out
(the liver) for (the preliminary) offering, while his
wife bore the dish in which it should be presented.
The ruler himself cut up the victim, while his wife
presented the spirits.

The high ministers and Great officers followed the
ruler ; their wives followed his wife. How grave
and still was their reverence! How were they ab-
sorbed in their sincerity ! How earnest was their wish
that their offerings should be accepted ! The arrival of
the victim was announced (to the spirits) in the court-
yard ; on the presentation of the blood and the flesh
with the hair on it, announcement was made in the
chamber ; on the presentation of the soup and boiled
meat, in the hall. The announcement was made
thrice, each time in a different place ; indicating how
they were seeking for the spirits, and had not yet
found them. When the sacrifice was set forth in the
hall, it was repeated next day outside (the gate of
the temple) ; and hence arose the saying, ' Are they
there ? Are they here ?'

1 6. One offering of the cup showed the simplicity
of the service ; three offerings served to ornament it ;
five, to mark discriminating care ; and seven, to show
(the reverence for) the spirits1.

i 7. Was not the great quinquennial sacrifice a ser-
vice belonging to the king ? The three animal victims,
the fish, and flesh, were the richest tributes for the

1 The sacrifices where only one cup was presented were, it is
said, the smallest ; three cups belonged to the altars of the land
and grain ; five, to those of the hills and rivers ; and seven, to those
in the ancestral temple. All this is quite uncertain.

SECT. II.

the l1 kh\. 4x3

palate from all within the four seas and the nine pro-
vinces. The fruits and grain presented in the high
dishes of wood and bamboo were the product of the
harmonious influences of the four seasons. The
tribute of metal showed the harmonious submission
(of the princes). The rolls of silk with the round
pieces of jade placed on them showed the honour
they rendered to virtue. The tortoise was placed in
front of all the other offerings, because of its know-
ledge of the future ; the tribute of metal succeeded
to it, showing the (hold it has on) human feelings.
The vermilion, the varnish, the silk, the floss, the
large bamboos and the smaller for arrows — the
articles which all the states contribute ; with the
other uncommon articles, which each state contri-
buted according to its resources, even to those from
the remote regions: — (these followed the former).
When the visitors left they were escorted with the
music of the Sze Hsia1. All these things showed
how important was the sacrifice.

1 8. In the sacrifice to God in the suburb, we have
the utmost expression of reverence. In the sacri-
fices of the ancestral temple, we have the utmost
expression of humanity. In the rites of mourning,
we have the utmost expression of leal-heartedness.
In the preparation of the robes and vessels for the
dead, we have the utmost expression of affection. In

1 We are told in the A'au Li, Book XXIII, art. 32, that the
bell master, with bells and drums, performed the nine Hsia pieces,
on the occasions appropriate to them. The second of them was
• the Sze Hsia,' as here, but the occasion for it in the text would
be inappropriate. The eighth, or Kai Hsia, would be appro-
priate here, and hence A'ang said that sze was a mistake for

kai (Rg).

414 THE L^ K^

BK. VIII.

the use of gifts and offerings between host and guest,
we have the utmost expression of what is right.
Therefore when the superior man would see the ways
of humanity and righteousness, he finds them rooted
in these ceremonial usages.

19. A superior man has said, ' What is sweet may
be tempered ; what is white may be coloured. So
the man who is right in heart and sincere can learn
the (meaning of the) rites.' The rites should not
be perfunctorily performed by the man who is not
right in heart and sincere. Hence it is all important
(in the performance of them) to get the proper men.

20. Confucius said, ' One may repeat the three
hundred odes, and not be fit to offer the sacrifice
where there is (but) one offering of the cup. He
may offer that sacrifice, and not be fit to join in a
great sacrifice. He may join in such a sacrifice, and
not be fit to offer a great sacrifice to the hills. He
may perform that fully, and yet not be able to join
in the sacrifice to God. Let no one lightly discuss
the subject of rites V

1 It is not easy to trace satisfactorily the progress of thought
here from one sacrificial service to another. ' The great sacrifice "
is understood to be the triennial or quinquennial sacrifice to all the
ancestors of the ruling House. It is a great step to that from a
small sacrifice where only one cup was presented. What ' the
great sacrifice to the hills was' is uncertain. It is in the text Ta
Lii \"^C j^)- The meaning of Lii as a sacrifice to the spirit
of a hill is well established from the Analects III, 6. Once the
phrase Ta Lii appears as used in the Aau Li, Book V, 91, of
the royal sacrifice to God (' Lorsque l'empereur offre un grand
sacrifice au Seigneur Supreme,' Biot) ; but it cannot have that
meaning here, because the text goes on to speak of that sacrifice
as superior to this. Aang Hsiian made Ta Lii to be the sacri-
fice to the ' five Tis,' or the five Planetary Gods, which view, as

SECT. II.

the Li kh\. 415

21. When 3ze-lu was steward to the House of K\,
its chief had been accustomed to commence his sacri-
fices before it was light, and when the day was
insufficient for them, to continue them by torchlight.
All engaged in them, however strong they might
appear, and however reverent they might be, were
worn out and tired. The officers limped and leaned,
wherever they could, in performing their parts, and
the want of reverence was great. Afterwards, when
3ze-lu took the direction of them, the sacrifices pro-
ceeded differently. For the services in the chamber,
he had parties communicating outside and inside the
door ; and for those in the hall, he had parties com-
municating at the steps. As soon as it was light, the
services began, and by the time of the evening
audience all were ready to retire. When Confucius
heard of this management, he said, ' Who will say
that this Yu does not understand ceremonies1?'

the A7/ien-lung editors point out, cannot be adopted. And how
any sacrifice to the hills, however great, could be represented as
greater than the quinquennial sacrifice in the ancestral temple,
I cannot understand. I must leave the paragraph in the obscurity
that belongs to it.

1 The AVrien-lung editors say: — ' 3ze-lu was a leal-hearted and
sincere man, and the Book ends with this account of him. From
the mention of the preparation of the rites on a great scale and of
their high value at the beginning of the Book down to this tribute
to 3ze-lu as understanding ceremonies, its whole contents show that
what is valuable in the rites is the combination of the idea of what
is right with the elegant and outward form as sufficient to remove
from a man all perversity and increase what is good in his nature,
without a multiplicity of forms which would injure the natural
goodness and sincerity, and lead their practiser to a crooked per-
versity. Deep and far-reaching is the idea of it ! '

BOOK IX. THE JCIAO THEH SANG

OR
THE SINGLE VICTIM AT THE BORDER SACRIFICES1.

Section I.

i. At the border sacrifices a single victim was
used, and at the altars to (the spirits of) the land
and grain there was (the full complement of) three
victims2. When the son of Heaven went on his

1 See the introductory notice, p. 26.

2 The object of the statements here and some other paragraphs
is to show that the degree of honour was expressed by the
'paucity' of the articles; compare last Book, Sect, i, paragraph 8.
Perhaps the name A'iao (<$) in the title should be translated
in the plural as the name for all the border sacrifices, or those
offered in the suburbs of the capital. There were several of them,
of which the greatest was that at the winter solstice, on the round
hillock in the southern suburb. Besides this, there was in the first
month the border sacrifice for ' grain,' — to pray for the blessing
of Heaven on the agricultural labours of the year, in which Hau Kt,
the father of the line of Aau, and its ' Father of Husbandry,' was
associated by that dynasty. There were also the five seasonal
border sacrifices, of which we have mention in the different parts
of Book IV, though, so far as what is said in them goes, the idea
of Heaven falls into the background, and the five deified ancient
sovereigns come forward as so many Tis. In the first month
of summer there was, further, a great border sacrifice for rain, and
in the last month of autumn a great border sacrifice of thanks-
o-iving. ' Of all these border sacrifices,' say the A7/ien-lung editors,
' there is clear evidence in classical texts.' Into the discussions
growing out of them about ' one Heaven,' or ' five Heavens,' and
about their origin, it is not necessary that I should enter ; it would
be foreign, indeed, to my object in this translation to do so. The

SECT. I. THE A'lAO THEN SANG. 41 J

inspecting tours to the princes, the viands of the
feast to him were composed of a (single) calf; and
when they visited him, the rites with which he
received them showed the three regular animals.
(The feasting of him in such a manner) was to do
honour to the idea of sincerity l. Therefore if the
animal happened to be pregnant, the son of Heaven
did not eat of it, nor did he use such a victim in
sacrificing to God 2.

2. The horses of the Grand carriage had one or-
namental tassel at the breast ; those of the carriages
that preceded had three ; and those of the carriages
that followed had five3. There were the blood at the
border sacrifice ; the raw flesh in the great offering
of the ancestral temple ; the sodden flesh where
spirits are presented thrice ; and the roast meat
where they are presented once 3 : — these were ex-
pressive of the greatest reverence, but the taste was
not valued ; what was held in honour was the scent
of the air4. When the princes appeared as guests,

border sacrifices were the greatest religious or ceremonial services
of the ancient Chinese; and the fact to which our attention is
called in this Book, is that at them there was used only a single
victim.

1 Why 'a calf?' 'Because of its guileless simplicity,' says A'au
Hsu of our eleventh century ; earlier than A"u Hsi, who adopted his
explanation. The calf, whether male or female, has not yet felt
the appetency of sex, and is unconscious of any ' dissipation.'
This is a refinement on the Hebrew idea of the victim lamb.
' without blemish.'

2 This might be referred to his unwillingness to take life un-
necessarily, but for what has just been said about the calf.

3 See last Book, Sect, i, 8 ; and Sect, ii, 6.

4 Little is said on the meaning of this statement, which appears
to say that the most subtle and ethereal thing in sacrifices, 'the

[27] e e

41 8 THE Ll A'l.

BK. IX.

they were presented with herb-flavoured spirits,
because of their fragrance; at the great entertain-
ment to them the value was given to (the preli-
minary) pieces of flesh prepared with cinnamon and
nothing more.

3. At a great feast (to the ruler of another state),
the ruler (who was the host) received the cup seated
on his three mats. (On occasion of a visit through a
minister or Great officer) when the cup was thrice
presented, the ruler received it on a single mat : — so
did he descend from the privilege of his more
honourable rank, and assume the lower distinction
(of his visitor).

4. In feasting (the orphaned young in spring) and
at the vernal sacrifice in the ancestral temple they
had music ; but in feeding (the aged) and at the
autumnal sacrifice they had no music : — these were
based in the developing and receding influences (pre-
valent in nature). All drinking serves to nourish the
developing influence ; all eating to nourish the re-
ceding influence. Hence came the different character
of the vernal and autumnal sacrifices ; the feasting
the orphaned young in spring, and the feeding the
aged in autumn : — the idea was the same. But in
the feeding and at the autumnal sacrifice there was
no music. Drinking serves to nourish the develop-
ing influence and therefore is accompanied with
music. Eating serves to nourish the receding influ-

' sweet savour ' of the offerings, was the most important, and should
excite the worshippers to add to their sincerity and reverence all
other graces of character. The same lesson was given to the
feudal princes when they were entertained as visitors at the royal
court.

SECT. I. THE A'lAO THEH SANG. 419

ence, and therefore is not accompanied with music.
All modulation of sound partakes of the character
of development.

5. The number of tripods and meat-stands was odd,
and that of the tall dishes of wood and bamboo was
even *; this also was based in the numbers belonging
to the developing and receding influences. The
stands were filled with the products of the water and
the land. They did not dare to use for them things
of extraordinary flavours 2 or to attach a value to
the multitude and variety of their contents, and it
was thus that they maintained their intercourse with
spiritual intelligences.

6. When the guests had entered the great door 3,
the music struck up the Sze Hsia4, showing the
blended ease and respect (of the king). (While feast:
ing), at the end of (every) cup the music stopped (for
a moment), a practice of which Confucius often indi-
cated his admiration. When the last cup had been
put down, the performers ascended the hall, and sang;
— exhibiting the virtues (of host and guests). The
singers were (in the hall) above, and the organists
were (in the court) below ; — the honour being thus

1 Every Chinese scholar knows that odd numbers all belong to
the category of Yang ( ), and even numbers to that of Yin

2 The meaning of this clause is uncertain, and I have not found
it anywhere sufficiently explained, considering what die characters

are ( j£ P$).

3 This paragraph and the next describe ceremonies on occasion
of the king's reception of the great nobles, when they appeared
in great force at court. With this the expurgated Li A'i begins.

4 See note 1, page 413.

e e 2

420

THE Li Ki. BK. IX.

given to the human voice. Music comes from the
expanding influence (that operates in nature); cere-
monies from the contracting. When the two are in
harmony, all things obtain (their full development).

7. There were no fixed rules for the various
articles of tribute. They were the different products
of the different territories according to their several
suitabilities, and were regulated by their distances
(from the royal domain). The tortoises were placed in
front of all the other offerings ;— because (the shell)
eave the knowledge of the future. The bells sue-
ceeded to them ; — because of their harmony, they
were a symbol of the union of feeling that should
prevail1. Then there were the skins of tigers and
leopards ; — emblems of the fierce energy with which
insubordination would be repressed ; and there were
the bundles of silks with disks of jade on them,—
showing how (the princes) came to (admire and ex-
perience) the virtue (of the king).

8. (The use of) a hundred torches in his courtyard
began with duke Hwan of Khi. The playing of the
Sze Hsia (at receptions) of Great officers began
with Kao Wan-jze 2.

9. When appearing at another court, for a Great
officer to have a private audience was contrary to pro-
priety. If he were there as a commissioner, bearing

1 As we have no account anywhere of bells, made, being sent
as tribute, many understand the name as merely = ' metal.'

2 This and the five paragraphs that follow seem the work of
another hand, and are not in the expurgated Ki. Duke Hwan
was the first and greatest of ' the five presiding princes ' of the
Khun Khm period. He died B.C. 643. Kao Wan-jze was a
Great officer and chief minister of Bin about a century after. The
king alone might have a hundred torches in his courtyard.

SECT. I. THE K1A0 THEH SANG. 42 1

his own prince's token of rank, this served as his
credentials. That he did not dare to seek a private
audience showed the reverence of his loyalty. What
had he to do with the tribute-offerings in the court
of the other prince that he should seek a private
audience ? The minister of a prince had no inter-
course outside his own state, thereby showing how
he did not dare to serve two rulers.

10. For a Great officer to receive his ruler to an
entertainment was contrary to propriety. For a ruler
to put to death a Great officer who had violently
exercised his power was (held) an act of righteous-
ness ; and it was first seen in the case of the three
Hwan \

The son of Heaven did not observe any of the
rules for a visitor or guest ; — no one could presume
to be his host. When a ruler visited one of his
ministers, he went up to the hall by the steps proper
to the master ; — the minister did not presume in such
a case to consider the house to be his own. Accord-
ing to the rules for audiences, the son of Heaven
did not go down from the hall and meet the princes.
To descend from the hall and meet the princes, was
an error on the part of the son of Heaven, which
began with king 1 2, and was afterwards observed.

1 The ' three Hwan ' intended here were three sons of duke
Hwan' of Lu, known as 7v7nng-fu, Yd, and Ai-yu; see the 3o
A"wan, and Kung-yang, on the last year of duke Awang. Instances
of the execution of strong and insubordinate officers in different
states, more to the point, had occurred before ; but the writer had
in mind only the history of Lu.

2 I was the ninth of the sovereigns of A'au (b.c 894-879); with
him appeared the first symptoms of decline in the dynasty.

422 THE Li Kl.

BK. IX.

ii. For the princes to suspend (their drums and
bells) in four rows like the walls of an apartment
(after the fashion of the king), and to use a white
bull in sacrificing1 ; to strike the sonorous jade; to
use the red shields with their metal fronts and the
cap with descending tassels in dancing the Ta-wii;
and to ride in the grand chariot : — these were usages
which they usurped. The towered gateway with
the screen across the path, and the stand to receive
the emptied cups ; the axes embroidered on the inner
garment with its vermilion colour : — these were usurp-
ations of the Great officers. Thus, when the son of
Heaven was small and weak, the princes pushed
their usurpations ; and when the Great officers were
strong, the princes were oppressed by them. In this
state (those officers) gave honour to one another as
if they had been of (high) degree ; had interviews
with one another and made offerings ; and bribed
one another for their individual benefit : and thus all
usages of ceremony were thrown into disorder. It
was not lawful for the princes to sacrifice to the king
to whom they traced their ancestry, nor for the Great
officers to do so to the rulers from whom they sprang.
The practice of having a temple to such rulers in
their private families, was contrary to propriety. It
originated with the three Hwan 2.

12. The son of Heaven3 preserved the descend-

1 That a white bull was used in Lu in sacrificing to the duke of
A'au, appears from the fourth of the Praise Odes of Lu. See
vol. iii, p. 343.

• 2 These must be the three families of Lu, so powerful in the
time of Confucius, all descended from duke Hwan. The expression
' in this (state) ' shows that the writer was a man of Lu.

3 We must think of this 'son of Heaven' as the founder of a

SECT. I. THE A'lAO TIIEII SANG. 423

ants of (the sovereigns of) the two (previous) dynas-
ties, still honouring the worth (of their founders).
But this honouring the (ancient) worthies did not
extend beyond the two dynasties.

13. Princes did not employ as ministers refugee
rulers1. Hence anciently refugee rulers left no son
who continued their title.

14. A ruler stood with his face towards the south,
to show that he would be (in his sphere) what the
influence of light and heat was (in nature). His
ministers stood with their faces to the north, in re-
sponse to him. The minister of a Great officer did
not bow his face to the ground before him, not from
any honour paid to the minister, but that the officer
might avoid receiving the homage which he had paid
himself to the ruler.

1 5. When a Great officer was presenting (anything
to his ruler), he did not do so in his own person ;
when the ruler was making him a gift, he did not go
to bow in acknowledgment to him : — that the ruler
might not (have the trouble of) responding to him.

16. When the villagers were driving away pestilen-
tial influences, Confucius would stand at the top of his
eastern steps, in his court robes, to keep the spirits
(of his departed) undisturbed in their shrines2.

new dynasty. Thus it was that king Wu of A'au enfeoffed the
duke of Sung as representing the kings of Shang, and the rulers
of Kii as representing those of Hsia.

1 Rulers expelled from their own state. But the princes might
employ their sons as ministers, who ceased to be named from their
former dignity.

2 See the Confucian Analects X, 10, 2, and note. Dr. Williams
(on jjjjl) says that the ceremony is now performed by the Board
of Rites ten days before the new year.

424 the ii kL

BK. IX.

1 7. Confucius said, ' The practice of archery to
the notes of music (is difficult). How shall the
archer listen, and how shall he shoot, (that the two
things shall be in harmony) ? '

Confucius said, ' When an officer is required to
shoot, if he be not able, he declines on the ground
of being ill, with reference to the bow suspended at
the left of the door (at his birth)1.'

18. Confucius said, ' There are three days' fasting
on hand. If one fast for the first day, he should
still be afraid of not being (sufficiently) reverent.
What are we to think of it, if on the second day he
beat his drums2?'

19. Confucius said, ' The repetition of the sacri-
fice next day inside the Khu gate ; the searching for
the spirits in the eastern quarter; and the holding
the market in the morning in the western quarter : —
these all are errors.'

20. At the She, they sacrificed to (the spirits of)
the land, and on the tablet rested the power of the
darker and retiring influence of nature. The ruler
stands (in sacrificing) with his face to the south at
the foot of the wall on the north, responding to the
idea of that influence as coming- from the north. A
>£ia day is used (for the sacrifice), — to employ a
commencing day (in the Cycle)3.

Every gentleman was supposed to learn archery as one of the
' six liberal arts ; ' and a bow was suspended near the door on
the birth of a boy in recognition of this. The excuse in the
paragraph is a lame one. See the ' Narratives of the School/
article 28 ; and Book XLIII, 19.

- ' Narratives of the School,' XLIV, 9.
There are of course six decades of days in the Cycle, each
beginning with a >£ia day.

SECT. I. THE XIAO THEII SANG. 425

The £reat She altar of the son of Heaven was
open to receive the hoarfrost, clew, wind, and rain,
and allow the influences of heaven and earth to
have full development upon it. For this reason the
She altar of a state that had perished was roofed
in, so that it was not touched by the brightness and
warmth of Heaven. The altar (of Yin) at Po1 had
an opening in the wall on the north, so that the dim
and cold (moon) might shine into it.

21. In the sacrifice at the She altars they dealt
with the earth as if it were a spirit. The earth sup-
ported all things, while heaven hung out its brilliant
signs. They derived their material resources from
the earth ; they derived rules (for their courses of
labour) from the heavens. Thus they were led to
give honour to heaven and their affection to the
earth, and therefore they taught the people to render
a good return (to the earth). (The Heads of)
families provided (for the sacrifice to it) at the altar
in the open court (of their houses) ; in the kingdom
and the states they did so at the She altars ; show-
ing how it was the source (of their prosperity).

When there was a sacrifice at the She altar of a
village2, some one went out to it from every house.
When there was such a sacrifice in preparation for a
hunt, the men of the state all engaged in it. When
there was such a sacrifice, from the towns, small and
large, they contributed their vessels of rice, thereby

1 Po had been the capital of the Shang dynasty. The site was
in the present Ho-nan; changed more than once, but always
retaining the name. We have the Northern, the Southern, and the
Western Po.

2 See page 259, paragraph 7.

426 THE LI Kl. BK. IX.

expressing their gratitude to the source (of their
prosperity) and going back in their thoughts to the
beginning (of all being).

22. In the last month of spring1, the fire star
having appeared, they set fire to (the grass and
brushwood). When this was done, they reviewed
the chariots and men, numbering the companies of
a hundred and of five. Then the ruler in person
addressed them in front of the She altar, and pro-
ceeded to exercise their squadrons, now wheeling to
the left, now wheeling to the right, now making them
lie down, now making them rise up ; and observing
how they practised these evolutions. When the
game came in sight and the desire of capturing it
was exerted, (he watched) to see that (the hunters)
did not break any of the rules (for their proceedings).
It was thus sought to bring their wills into subjec-
tion, and make them not pursue the animals (in an
irregular way). In this way such men conquered in
fight, and such sacrificing obtained blessing.

Section II.

i. The son of Heaven, in his tours (of Inspection)
to the four quarters (of the kingdom), as the first
thing (on his arrival at each) reared the pile of wood
(and set fire to it) 2.

1 Perhaps ' the last month ' should be ' the second month.'
There is much contention on the point.

2 This paragraph is not in the expurgated Li. It does seem
out of place, for the book goes on to speak of the border or
suburban sacrifices presented in the vicinity of the capital, and
having nothing to do with the tours of Inspection, of which we

SECT. II. THE AIAO TIIEII SANG. 427

2. At the (Great) border sacrifice, he welcomed
the arrival of the longest day. It was a great act
of thanksgiving to Heaven, and the sun was the
chief object considered in it1. The space marked off
for it was in the southern suburb ; — the place most
open to the brightness and warmth (of the heavenly

first read in the Canon of Shun, in the Shu. Those tours, how-
ever, were understood to be under the direction of Heaven, and
the lighting of the pile of wood, on reaching the mountain of each
quarter, is taken as having been an announcement to Heaven of
the king's arrival.

1 P. Gallery has here the following note : — ' II re'sulte de ce
passage et de plusieurs autres des chapitres suivants, que des les
temps les plus anciens, les Chinois rendaient au soleil un veritable
culte, sans meme y supposer un esprit ou gdnie dont il fiit la
demeure, ainsi qu'ils le faisaient pour les montagnes, les rivieres
et tous les autres lieux auxquels ils offraient des sacrifices. De
nos jours encore on sacrifie au soleil et a la lune ; mais e'est
plutot un acte officiel tie la part des autorites, qu'une pratique
de conviction, car le peuple Chinois n'a pas, comme les Japonais,
une grande deVotion pour l'astre du jour. Voyez la fin du chapitre
XVIII.'

The text conveys no idea to me of such an ancient worship, but
I call the attention of the reader to Gallery's view. The other
passages to which he refers will be noticed as they occur. For
my, ' and the sun was the principal object regarded in it,' he says,
' C'est le soleil qui est le principal objet (des adorations).' The
original text is simply j^q zp [^J . I let my translation stand as
I first made it ; but on a prolonged consideration, I think, it would
be more accurate to say, ' and the sun was considered (for the
occasion) as the residence of (the spirit of) Heaven.' Such an
acceptation of qp is quite legitimate. The sun became for the
time the ' spirit-tablet (jjjtfj ijr) ' of Heaven. Fang A'iieh
says: — '(The Son of Heaven) was welcoming the arrival of the
longest day, and therefore he regarded the sun as the residence
(for the time) of the spirit of Heaven. That spirit could not be
seen ; what could be looked up to and beheld were only the sun,
moon, and stars.'

428 THE LI Kl. BK. IX.

influence). The sacrifice was offered on the ground
which had been swept for the purpose; — to mark the
simplicity (of the ceremony). The vessels used were
of earthenware and of gourds ; — to emblem the
natural (productive power of) heaven and earth.
The place was the suburb, and therefore the sacrifice
was called the suburban or border. The victim was
red, that being the colour preferred by the (A'au)
dynasty ; and it was a calf; — to show the estimation
of simple sincerity.

3. For (all) sacrifices in the border they used a
hsin day1; because when A'au first offered the
border sacrifice, it was the longest day, and its name
began with hsin.

4. When divining about the border sacrifice, (the
king) received the reply in the fane of his (great)
ancestor, and the tortoise-shell was operated on in
that of his father; — honour being thus done to his
ancestor, and affection shown to his father. On the
day of divination, he stood by the lake2, and listened
himself to the declarations and orders which were

1 The mention of the 'hsin day' requires that we should under-
stand /£iao (-^m) nere of other sacrifices so called, and not
merely of the great one at the winter solstice. The A7nen-lung
editors say: — 'The border sacrifices for which they used the hsin
days were those at which they* prayed for a good year. They
used such a day, because when king Wu offered his great sacrifice
after the battle of Mu-yeh, and announced the completion of his
enterprise, the day was hsin-hai, and from it dated Aau's pos-
session of the kingdom, and the hsin days became sacred days
for the dynasty.' There were of course three hsin days in every
month.

2 The ' lake ' here must be a name for the royal college with the
water round it. So Lfi Tien and others explain it (y|*| =|? ^

SECT. II. THE A'lAO THEH SANG. 429

delivered1, — showing an example of receiving lessons
and reproof. (The officers) having communicated to
him the orders (to be issued), he gives warning
notice of them to all the officers (of a different sur-
name from himself), inside the Khu gate (of the
palace), and to those of the same surname, in the
Grand temple.

5. On the day of the sacrifice, the king in his skin
cap waits for the news that all is ready, — showing
the people how they ought to venerate their supe-
riors. Those who were engaged in mourning rites
did not wail nor venture to put on their mourning
dress. (The people) watered and swept the road,
and turned it up afresh with the spade ; at (the top
of) the fields in the neighbourhood they kept torches
burning, — thus without special orders complying with
(the wish of) the king2.

6. On that day, the king assumed the robe with
the ascending dragons on it as an emblem of the
heavens3. He wore the cap with the pendants of
jade-pearls, to the number of twelve4, which is the

» JjiVi ^#), and Yuan Yiian's dictionary with reference to
this paragraph, defines it as ' the place where they practised
ceremonies.'

1 By the officers as the result of the divination.

2 It was an established custom that they should do so.

3 'The robe with the dragons on it,' — Kwan (/%$), — is thus
described in the dictionary. But there must have been also some
emblazonry of the heavenly figures on it also ; otherwise it would
not have emblemed the heavens. But I have not been able to
find this in any dictionary.

4 Having now changed the skin cap mentioned in the preceding
paragraph.

430 THE LI K\.

BK. IX.

number of heaven1. He rode in the plain carriage,
because of its simplicity. From the flag hung
twelve pendants, and on it was the emblazonry
of dragons, and the figures of the sun and moon,
in imitation of the heavens. Heaven hangs out
its brilliant figures, and the sages imitated them.
This border sacrifice is the illustration of the way
of Heaven.

7. If there appeared anything infelicitous about
the victim intended for God, it was used for that
intended for K\l. That intended for God required
to be kept in its clean stall for three months. That
intended for A"i simply required to be perfect in
its parts. This was the way in which they made a
distinction between the spirits of Heaven and the
manes of a man3.

8. All things originate from Heaven; man origin-
ates from his (great) ancestor. This is the reason

1 t

The heavenly number;' — with reference, I suppose, to the
twelve months of the year.

2 K\, better known as Hau K\, ' the prince, the minister of
agriculture,' appears in the Shu as Shun's minister of agri-
culture (K/n |||, vol. iii, pp. 42, 43), and one of the principal
assistants of Yii, in his more than Herculean achievement (vol. iii,
pp. 56-58) ; and in the Shih as the father of agriculture (vol. iii,
pp. 396-399). To him the kings of -£au traced their lineage, and
they associated him with God at the Great border sacrifice. See
the ode to him, so associated, vol. iii, p. 320. In that service
there was thus the expression of reverence for God and of filial
piety, the second virtue coming in as the complement of the other.
It would seem to be implied that they used the ox for K\ for the
blemished one.

3 By ' spirit ' and ' manes ' I have endeavoured to come as near
as I could to the different significance of the characters shan
(jp|) and kwei (%)■

SECT. II. THE A'lAO THEII SANG. 431

why K\ was associated with God (at this sacrifice).
In the sacrifices at the border there was an ex-
pression of gratitude to the source (of their pros-
perity and a going back in their thoughts to the
beginning of (all being).

9. The great /-a sacrifice of the son of Heaven
consisted of eight (sacrifices). This sacrifice was
first instituted by Yin Kh\\ (The word) kk ex-
presses the idea of searching out. In the twelfth
month of a year, they brought together (some of)
all the productions (of the harvest), and sought out
(the authors of them) to present them to them as
offerings.

10. In the /'a sacrifice, the principal object con-
templated was the Father of Husbandry. They also
presented offerings to (ancient) superintendents of
husbandry, and to the (discoverers of the) various
grains, to express thanks for the crops which had
been reaped.

They presented offerings (also) to the (represent-
atives of the ancient inventors of the overseers of
the) husbandmen, and of the buildings marking out
the boundaries of the fields, and of the birds and
beasts. The service showed the highest sentiments
of benevolence and of righteousness.

The ancient wise men had appointed all these
agencies, and it was felt necessary to make this

1 Who this Yin Kh\ was is unknown. A'ang thought he was
an ancient sovereign. The A/nen-lung editors seem to prove in
opposition to him and others that he was the minister of some
ancient sovereign. His descendants were subordinate ministers
under Aau, having to do with sacrifice. They are mentioned at
the end of the 37 th Book of the Aau Li.

432

THE ii Kl. BK. IX.

return to them. They met the (representatives of
the) cats, because they devoured the rats and mice
(which injured the fruits) of the fields, and
(those of) the tigers, because they devoured the
(wild) boars (which destroyed them). They met
them and made offerings to them. They offered
also to (the ancient Inventors of) the dykes and
water-channels ; — (all these were) provisions for the
husbandry1.

1 1 . They said, —

' May the ground no sliding show,
Water in its channels flow,
Insects to keep quiet know ;
Only in the fens weeds grow ! '

They presented their offerings in skin caps and
white robes ; — in white robes to escort the closing
year (to its grave). They wore sashes of dolychos
cloth, and carried staffs of hazel, — as being reduced
forms of mourning. In the /£a were expressed the
highest sentiments of benevolence and righteousness.

1 This and the other paragraphs down to 13 about the ka.
sacrifice are not in the expurgated copies. It is difficult to under-
stand what it really was. What is said of it leads us to think of it
as a Chinese Saturnalia at the end of the year, when all the crops
had been gathered in, and the people abandoned themselves to
license and revel under the form of sacrificial services. ' The
Father of Husbandry' was probably Shan Nang, the successor of
Fu-hsi; see vol. hi, pp. 371, 372. 'The Superintendents of
Husbandry' would be Hau K\ and others, though Hau K\
appears in the Shih as really the father of agriculture. ' The over-
seer' occurs in the Shih (vol. iii, p. 371 et al.) as ' the surveyor of
the fields.' The commentators, so far as I have read, are very
chary of giving us any information about the offerings to ' the cats
and tigers.' Alang Aao-hsi says, ' They met the cats and tigers,
that is, their spirits ($) gg ^ gfl ^ jjj# &)•'

SECT. II. THE KIAO THEH SANG. 433

(After this)1 they proceeded to sacrifice in yellow
robes and yellow caps, — releasing the field-labourers
from the toils (of the year). Countrymen wore
yellow hats, which were made of straw.

12. The Great Netter2 was the officer who had
the management for the son of Heaven of his birds
and (captured) beasts, and to his department belonged
(all such creatures) sent by the princes as tribute.
(Those who brought them)3 wore hats of straw or
bamboo splints, appearing, by way of honour to it, in
that country dress. The Netter declined the deer
and women (which they brought) 4, and announced to
the visitors the message (of the king) to this effect,
that they might warn the princes with it : —
' He who loves hunting and women,
Brings his state to ruin.'
The son of Heaven planted gourds and flowering
plants ; not such things as might be reaped and
stored 5.

1 This seems to introduce another service, following that of the
H. It is understood to be the la sacrifice of K/iin, described on
page 300, paragraph 19.

2 We find 'the Netter' called Lo (jg J^), as if Lo had
become the surname of the family in which the office was here-
ditary, as the last but one of the departments described in the
30th Book of the Arau Li.

3 Those would be ' Great officers ' from the various states, per-
sonating for the occasion hunters or labouring men.

4 The ' deer ' would be taken in the chase ; the ' women,' attrac-
tive captives, taken in war. But they would not have such to
present from year to year. We can say nothing more about this
article of tribute.

B Many take this concluding sentence as part of the king's
message. The .Oien-lung editors decide against that view; its
meaning is that the king never farmed for his own gain.
[27] F f

434 THE L^ K^-

BK. IX.

13. The kk with its eight sacrifices served to
record (the condition of the people) throughout all
the quarters (of the country). If in any quarter the
year had not been good, it did not contribute to
those services, — out of a careful regard to the re-
sources of the people. Where the labours of a good
year had been successfully completed, they took
part in them, — to give them pleasure and satisfaction.
All the harvest having by this time been gathered,
the people had nothing to do but to rest, and there-
fore after the /£a wise (rulers) commenced no new
work1.

14. The pickled contents of the ordinary dishes
were water-plants produced by the harmonious
powers (of nature) ; the brine used with them was
from productions of the land. The additional dishes
contained productions of the land with the brine
from productions of the water.

The things in the dishes on stands were from both
the water and land. They did not venture to use in
them the flavours of ordinary domestic use, but
variety was considered admirable. It was in this
way that they sought to have communion with the
spirits ; it was not intended to imitate the flavours
of food2.

15. The things set before the ancient kings served
as food, but did not minister to the pleasures of the
palate. The dragon-robe, the tasseled cap, and

1 This paragraph treats of the Has celebrated in the states.

2 The conclusion of this paragraph leads us to take all the
dishes spoken of in it as containing sacrificial offerings. It would
take too long to discuss all that is said about the ' regular ' and the
' additional ' dishes in the first part.

SECT. II. THE K1A0 TIIEH SANG. 435

the great carriage served for display, but did not
awaken a fondness for their use.

The various dances displayed the gravity of the
performers, but did not awaken the emotion of
delight. The ancestral temple produced the im-
pression of majesty, but did not dispose one to rest
in it. Its vessels might be employed (for their pur-
poses in it), but could not be conveniently used for
any other. The idea which leads to intercourse with
spiritual Beings is not interchangeable with that
which finds its realisation in rest and pleasure.

16. Admirable as are the spirits and sweet spirits,
a higher value is attached to the dark spirit and the
bright water1, — in order to honour that which is the
source of the five flavours. Beautiful as is the
elegant embroidery of robes, a higher value is set
on plain, coarse cloth, — going back to the commence-
ment of woman's work. Inviting- as is the rest
afforded by the mats of fine rushes and bamboos,
the preference is given to the coarse ones of reeds
and straw, — distinguishing the (character of the ser-
vice in which they were employed). The Grand soup
is unseasoned, — in honour of its simplicity. The
Grand symbols of jade have no engraving on them,
— in admiration of their simple plainness. There
is the beauty of the red varnish and carved border

1 We have seen, before, that ' the dark spirit ' is water. Was
there a difference between this and ' the bright water ? ' The A7/irn-
lung editors think so, and refer to the functions of the Sze Hsiian
officer (W| *^g ^, JTau Li, Book XXXVII, 41-44), who by
means of a mirror drew the bright water from the moon. How he
did so, I do not understand. The object of the writer in this part
of the section is to exhibit the value of simple sincerity in all

religious services.

F f 2

436 THE Li kL

BK. IX.

(of a carriage), but (the king) rides in a plain one, —
doing honour to its plainness. In all these things
it is simply the idea of the simplicity that is the
occasion of the preference and honour. In main-
taining intercourse with spiritual and intelligent
Beings, there should be nothing like an extreme
desire for rest and ease in our personal gratification.
It is this which makes the above usages suitable for
their purpose.

17. The number of the tripods and meat-stands
was odd, but that of the tall dishes of wood and
bamboo was even, — having regard to the numbers
belonging to the developing and receding influences
of nature1. The vase with the yellow eyes2 was
the most valued of all, and contained the spirit with
the fragrant herbs. Yellow is the colour (of earth)
which occupies the central place3. In the eye the
energy (of nature) appears most purely and brilliantly.
Thus the spirit to be poured out is in that cup, the
(emblem of the) centre, and (the symbol of) what is
most pure and bright appears outside4.

1 See the fifth paragraph of Section i, and the note. It may be
added here, after Khung Ying-ta, that ' the tripod and stand con-
tained the body of the victim, which, as belonging to an animal
that moved, was of the category of Yang, but the dishes contained
the products of trees and vegetables, which were of the category
of Yin.'

2 In pictures, this vase was figured with two eyes. They were
carved on the substance of the vessel and then gilt, so as to
appear yellow.

3 On the central place assigned to the element of earth and
its yellow colour, see the supplementary section appended to
Book IV, Section ii, Part iii.

4 P. Callery characterises the reasoning of this paragraph as
' pueVil et grotesque ; ' and concludes a long note on it with the

SECT. III. THE XIAO THEH SANG. 437

1 8. When sacrificing to Heaven, the earth is
swept, and the sacrifice presented on the ground, —
from a regard to the simplicity of such an unartificial
altar. Admirable as are the vinegar and pickles,
suet boiled and produced through evaporation is
preferred, — to do honour to the natural product of
heaven. An ordinary knife might be employed (to
kill the victim), but that fitted with bells is preferred,
— giving honour to the idea thereby indicated ; there
is the harmony of sound, and then the cutting work
is done.

Section III.

i. (As to) the meaning of (the ceremony of)
capping1 : — The cap used for the first act of the
service was of black cloth, — the cap of the highest
antiquity. It was originally of (white) cloth, but the
colour when it was used in fasting was dyed black.
As to its strings, Confucius said, ' I have not heard
anything about them.' This cap, after it had been
once put upon (the young man), might be disused.

2. The son by the wife proper was capped by
the eastern stairs (appropriate to the use of the
master), to show how he was in their line of succes-

sentence : — ' Je laisse a ceux qui peuvent suivre ce logogriphe
dans le texte Chinois, le soin d'en saisir toutes les finesses ; car,
a mon sens, ce n'est qu'une ineptie.'

1 These paragraphs about capping are not in the expurgated
copy of the Li, and many commentators, especially Wang of Shih-
liang, would relegate them to Book XL And they are not all easy
to be understood. The capping was thrice repeated, and each
time with a different cap. So much is clear. The names and
forms of the caps in paragraph 3 have given rise to much specula-
tion, from which I purposely abstain ; nor do I clearly comprehend
its relation to the threefold capping in the ceremony.

43§ THE LI K$.

BK. IX.

sion to him. The father handed him a cup in the
guests' place (without receiving one in return). The
capping showed that he had reached maturity. The
using of three caps was to give greater import-
ance (to the ceremony), and show its object more
clearly. The giving the name of maturity in con-
nexion with the ceremony was to show the reverence
due to that name.

3. The wei-mao was the fashion of A'au; the
/£ang-fu, that of Yin; and the mau-tui, that of
the sovereigns of Hsia. A"au used the pi en ; Yin,
the hsii ; and Hsia, the shau. The three dynasties
all used the skin cap, with the skirt-of- white gathered
up at the waist.

4. There were no observances peculiar to the
capping (in the families) of Great officers, though
there were (peculiar) marriage ceremonies. Anciently
a man was fifty when he took the rank of a Great
officer ; how should there have been peculiar cere-
monies at his cappings ? The peculiar ceremonies at
the cappings as used by the princes arose in the end
of the Hsia dynasty.

5. The eldest son of the son of Heaven by his
proper queen (was capped only as) an ordinary officer.
There was nowhere such a thing as being born
noble. Princes received their appointments on the
hereditary principle, (to teach them) to imitate the
virtue of their predecessors. Men received office
and rank according to the degree of their virtue.
There was the conferring of an honourable designa-
tion after death ; but that is a modern institution.
Anciently, there was no rank on birth, and no
honorary title after death.

SECT. III. THE A'lAO TIIEII SANG. 439

6. That which is most important in ceremonies is
to understand the idea intended in them. While
the idea is missed, the number of things and observ-
ances in them may be correctly exhibited, as that is
the business of the officers of prayer and the recor-
ders. Hence that may all be exhibited, but it is'
difficult to know the idea. The knowledge of that
idea, and the reverent maintenance of it was the
way by which the sons of Heaven secured the good
government of the kingdom. .

7. By the united action of heaven and earth all
things spring up. Thus the ceremony of marriage
is the beginning of a (line that shall last for a)
myriad ages. The parties are of different surnames ;
thus those who are distant are brought together, and
the separation (to be maintained between those who
are of the same surname) is emphasised1. There
must be sincerity in the marriage presents ; and all
communications (to the woman) must be good. She
should be admonished to be upright and sincere.
Faithfulness is requisite in all service of others, and
faithfulness is (specially) the virtue of a wife. Once
mated with her husband, all her life she will not
change (her feeling of duty to him), and hence, when
the husband dies she will not marry (again)2.

1 I do not see how Callery translates here : — 'On rapproche ce
qui etait dloignd, et on unit ce qui e'tait distinct.' He says,
however, in a note : — ' Ceci se rapporte a l'antique loi, encore en
vigueur, qui interdit le manage entre personnes d'un meme nom,
parce que lors meme qu'il n'existe entre elles aucune trace de
parents, il est possible qu'elles proviennent de la meme souche, et se
trouvent ainsi sur la ligne directe, ou les Chinois admettent une
parente* sans fin.'

2 This brief sentence about a woman not marrying again is not

44-0 THE ii A'l.

BK. IX.

8. The gentleman went in person to meet the bride,
the man taking the initiative and not the woman, —
according to the idea that regulates the relation
between the strong and the weak (in all nature). It
is according to this same idea that heaven takes
precedence of earth, and the ruler of the subject.

9. Presents are interchanged before (the parties)
see each other1 ; — this reverence serving to illustrate
the distinction (that should be observed between
man and woman). When this distinction (between
husband and wife) is exhibited, affection comes to
prevail between father and son. When there is this
affection, the idea of righteousness arises in the mind,
and to this idea of righteousness succeeds (the
observance of) ceremonies. Through those cere-
monies there ensues universal repose. The absence
of such distinction and righteousness is characteristic
of the way of beasts.

10. The bridegroom himself stands by (the car-
riage of the bride), and hands to her the strap (to assist
her in mounting2), — showing his affection. Having

in the expurgated copies. Callery, however, says upon it : — ' Dans
certains textes du Li K\, on trouve a la suite de ce passage une
phrase qui restreint a la femme cette immutability perpe'tuelle dans
le mariage. En effet, les lois Chinoises ont de tout temps permis
a l'homme de se remarier apres la mort de sa premiere femme,
tandis que pour les veuves, les secondes noces ont toujours 6t6
plus ou moins fle'tries, ou par la loi, ou par l'usage.'

1 Callery has for this : — ' Les presents que porte l'e'poux dans
ses visites.' But the young people did not see each other till the
day of the marriage.

2 On the ' strap ' to help in mounting the carriage, see p. 45, et al.
Callery has here ' les renes.' The text would seem to say that
the bridegroom was himself driving, and handed the strap to help
the other up ; but that would have been contrary to all etiquette ;

SECT. III. THE iSTlAO THEH SANG. 44 1

that affection, he seeks to bring her near to him. It
was by such reverence and affection for their wives
that the ancient kings obtained the kingdom. In
passing out from the great gate (of her father's house),
he precedes, and she follows, and with this the
rieht relation between husband and wife commences.
The woman follows (and obeys) the man : — in her
youth, she follows her father and elder brother ;
when married, she follows her husband ; when her
husband is dead, she follows her son. 'Man' denotes
supporter. A man by his wisdom should (be able
to) lead others.

ii. The dark-coloured cap, and the (preceding)
fasting and vigil, (with which the bridegroom meets
the bride, makes the ceremony like the service of)
spiritual beings, and (the meeting of) the bright and
developing and receding influences (in nature). The
result of it will be to give the lord for the altars to
the spirits of the land and grain, and the successors
of the forefathers of the past ; — is not the utmost
reverence appropriate in it ? Husband and wife ate
together of the same victim, — thus declaring that they
were of the same rank. Hence while the wife had
(herself) no rank, she was held to be of the rank of
her husband, and she took her seat according to the
position belonging to him1.

and they appear immediately, not sitting together, but following
each other.

1 It is exceedingly difficult to construe this sentence, nor do the
commentators give a translator much help. Rendering ad verbum,
all that we have is this : — ' The dark-coloured cap, self-purification
(and) abstinence; spiritual beings, Yin (and) Yang.' A'ang s
explanation is very brief: — ' The dark-coloured cap (was) the dress
in sacrificing. Yin (and) Yang mean husband and wife.' I have

442 THE LI k1.

BK. IX.

12. The old rule at sacrifices was to have the
vessels (only) of earthenware and gourds ; and when
the kings of the three dynasties instituted the (par-
taking of the) victim, those were the vessels em-
ployed. On the day after the marriage, the wife,
having washed her hands, prepared and presented
(a sucking-pig) to her husband's parents ; and when
they had done eating, she ate what was left, — as a
mark of their special regard. They descended from
the hall by the steps on the west, while she did so
by those on the east ; — so was she established in the
wife's (or mistress's) place.

13. At the marriage ceremony, they did not
employ music, — having reference to the feeling of
solitariness and darkness (natural to the separation
from parents). Music expresses the energy of the
bright and expanding influence. There was no con-
gratulation on marriage ; — it indicates how (one
generation of) men succeeds to another1.

tried to catch and indicate the ideas in the mind of the writer.
Taken as I have done, the passage is a most emphatic declara-
tion of the religious meaning which was attached to marriage.
Dr. Medhurst (Theology of the Chinese, pp. 88, 89) has trans-
lated the greater part of the paragraph, but not very successfully,
thus : — ' A black crown, with fasting and watching, is the way to
serve the Kwei Shins, as well as the male and female principle
of nature. The same is the case also (with regard to marriages
which are contracted) with the view of obtaining some one to
perpetuate the lares domestici (jlfi^^); and principally
respect obtaining successors for our ancestors : — can they therefore
be conducted without reverence ? '

1 See p. 322, paragraph 20; where Confucius says that in a
certain case the bridegroom's family has no music for three days,
on the ground that the bridegroom had lost his parents, and
sorrow was more suitable than mirth as he thought of their

SECT. III. THE A'lAO THEII SANG. 443

14. At the sacrifices in the time of the lord of Yii
the smell was thought most important. There were
the offerings of blood, of raw flesh, and of sodden
flesh ; — all these were employed for the sake of
the smell.

15. Under the Yin, sound was thought most im-
portant. Before there was any smell or flavour, the
music was made to resound clearly. It was not till
there had been three performances of it that they
went out to meet (and bring in) the victim. The
noise of the music was a summons addressed to all
between heaven and earth.

16. Under the A'au, a pungent odour was thought
most important. In libations they employed the
smell of millet-spirits in which fragrant herbs had
been infused. The fragrance, partaking of the
nature of the receding influence, penetrates to the
deep springs below. The libations were poured
from cups with long handles of jade, (as if) to em-
ploy (also) the smell of the mineral. After the liquor
was poured, they met (and brought in) the victim,
having first diffused the smell into the unseen realm.
Artemisia along with millet and rice having then
been burned (with the fat of the victim), the
fragrance penetrates through all the building. It
was for this reason that, after the cup had been put
down, they burnt the fat with the southernwood and
millet and rice.

1 7. So careful were they on all occasions of sacri-

being gone. This statement was generalised by the writer; but
in the Shih, as in ordinary life, music is an accompaniment of
marriage. See the paraphrase of the ' Amplification of the fourth
of the Khang-hsi precepts.'

444 THE li K^-

BK. IX.

fice. The intelligent spirit returns to heaven ; the
body and the animal soul return to the earth ; and
hence arose the idea of seeking (for the deceased) in
sacrifice in the unseen darkness and in the bright
region above. Under the Yin, they first sought for
them in the bright region ; under A'au, they first
sought for them in the dark.

18. They informed the officer of prayer in the
apartment; they seated the representative of the
departed in the hall ; they killed the victim in the
courtyard. The head of the victim was taken up to
the apartment. This was at the regular sacrifice,
when the officer of prayer addressed himself to the
spirit-tablet of the departed. If it were (merely) the
offering of search, the minister of prayer takes his
place at the inside of the gate of the temple. They
knew not whether the spirit were here, or whether it
were there, or far off, away from all men. Might not
that offering inside the gate be said to be a search-
ing for the spirit in its distant place ?

19. That service at the gate was expressive of the
energy of the search. The stand with the heart and
tongue of the victim (set forth before the personator)
was expressive of reverence. (The wish of the
principal) for wealth (to those assisting him) included
all happiness. The (presentation of the) head was
(intended as) a direct (communication with the de-
parted). The presence (of the representative) was
that the spirit might enjoy (the offerings). The
blessing (pronounced by him) was for long continu-
ance, and comprehensive. The personator (seemed)
to display (the departed).

20. The (examination of the) hair and the (taking

SECT. in. THE KIAO THEH SANG. 445

of the) blood was an announcement that the victim
was complete within and without. This announce-
ment showed the value set on its being perfect1.
The offering of the blood was because of the breath
which is contained in it. They offered (specially)
the lungs, the liver, and the heart, doing honour to
those parts as the home of the breath.

21. In offering the millet and the glutinous millet,
they presented the lungs along with it. In offering
the various prepared liquors, they presented the
bright water ; — in both cases acknowledging their
obligations to the dark and receding influence (in
nature). In taking the fat of the inwards and
burning it, and in taking the head up (to the hall),
they made their acknowledgments to the bright and
active influence.

22. In the bright water and the clear liquor the
thing valued was their newness. All clarifying is a
sort of makinof new. The water was called 'bright'
because the principal in the service had purified it.

23. When the ruler bowed twice with his head to
the ground, and, with breast bared, himself applied

1 From the middle of paragraph 10 to 18 inclusive is not in
the expurgated edition, which closes with the nineteenth para-
graph and the half of the twenty-first. I need not quote Callery's
translation of this portion, but he says on it : — ' Ce passage est un
de ceux qui se refusent le plus a la traduction, et qui renferment,
au fond, le moins d'ide'es claires et raisonnables. L'auteur a
voulu, ce me semble, donner une explication mystique a des mots
et a des coutumes qui n'en dtaient point susceptibles, et il lui est
arrivd, comme a certains commentateurs bibliques du moyen age,
de faire un galimatias, auquel lui meme, sans doute, ne com-
prenait rien.' — On what the author says about the hair and blood,
compare vol. iii, page 370.

446 THE LI kL

BK. IX.

the knife, this expressed his extreme reverence. Yes,
his extreme reverence, for there was submission in it.
The bowing showed his submission ; the laying the
head on the ground did that emphatically ; and the
baring his breast was the greatest (outward) ex-
hibition of the feeling.

24. When the sacrificer styled himself 'the filial
son,' or 'the filial grandson,' he did so (in all cases)
according to the meaning of the name. When he
styled himself ' So and So, the distant descendant,'
that style was used of (the ruler of) a state or
(the Head of) a clan. (Though) there were the
assistants at the service, the principal himself gave
every demonstration of reverence and performed
all his admirable service without yielding anything
to any one.

25. The flesh of the victim might be presented
raw and as a whole, or cut up in pieces, or sodden,
or thoroughly cooked ; but how could they know
whether the spirit enjoyed it ? The sacrificer simply
showed his reverence to the utmost of his power.

26. (When the representative of the departed) had
made the libation with the kiik cup, or the horn, (the
sacrificer) was told (to bow to him) and put him at
ease. Anciently, the representative stood when
nothing was being done ; when anything was being
done, he sat. He personated the spirit ; the officer
of prayer was the medium of communication between
him and the sacrificer.

27. In straining (the new liquor) for the cup, they
used the white (mao) grass and obtained a clear
cup. The liquor beginning to clear itself was
further clarified by means of pure liquor. The juice

SECT. HI. THE KIAO TIIEII SANG. 447

obtained by boiling aromatics (with the extract of
millet) was clarified by mingling with it the liquor
which had begun to clear itself : — in the same way
as old and strong spirits are qualified by the
brilliantly pure liquor or that which has begun to
clear itself1.

1 He would be a bold man who would say that he had given
a translation of this paragraph, which he was sure represented
exactly the mind of the author. The interpretation given of it
even by Aang Hsiian is now called in question in a variety of
points by most scholars ; and the A"/$ien-lung editors refrain from
concluding the many pages of various commentators, which they
adduce on it, with a summary and exposition of their own judg-
ment. Until some sinologist has made himself acquainted with all
the processes in the preparation of their drinks at the present day
by the Chinese, and has thereby, and from his own knowledge of
the general subject, attained to a knowledge of the similar pre-
parations of antiquity, a translator can only do the best in his
power with such a passage, without being sure that it is the best
that might be done.

In the -ATau Li, Book V, 23-36, we have an account of the
duties of the Director of Wines (yjSf ][£ ; Biot, ' Intendant des
Vins'). Mention is made of 'the three wines (^ yjif)/ which
were employed as common beverages, and called shih /C'iu
(^ j@), hsi Aiu (Hf fg), and Ming Aiu (fl| y@) ;
in Biot, ' yin d'affaire, vin ag<5, and vin clair.' Consul Gingell, in his
useful translation of ' The Institutes of the A'du Dynasty Strung as
Pearls' (London: Smith, Elder, and Co., 1852), calls them — 'wine
made specially for any particular occasion ; wine which has become
ripe ; and old, clear, and fine wine.'

In addition to these three £iu, the Director had to do with the
five til (3l ^; Biot, 'les cinque sorts de vins sacreV), and
called fan At g£ g£), li k\ (jjg g£), ang k\ (^ j|),
thi k\ (£j| TJjff), and khzn k\ (jffc TJHf) ; in Biot, after Aang
Hsiian, ' vin surnageant, vin doux, vin qui se clarifie, vin sub-
stantia, vin repose-;' in Gingell, 'rice-water which has undergone

448 the ii k1.

BK. IX.

28. Sacrifices were for the purpose of prayer, or
of thanksgiving, or of deprecation.

29. The dark-coloured robes worn during vigil
and purification had reference to the occupation of
the thoughts with the dark and unseen. Hence
after the three days of purification, the superior man
was sure (to seem) to see those to whom his sacrifice
was to be offered1.

fermentation, wine in which dregs have formed, wine in which
the dregs have risen to the surface, wine in which the dregs have
congealed, and of which the colour has become reddish, and pure
clear wine in which the dregs are subsiding.' Whether Biot be
correct or not in translating k\ (perhaps should be read Mi, =
xg£) ' vin sacreV the five preparations so called were for use at
sacrifices. ' They were,' say the .A^ien-lung editors, ' for use at
sacrifices, and not as ordinary drinks.' ' They were all thin, and
unpalatable ; for the cup, and not for the mouth.'

1 The .Oien-lung editors say that from paragraph 14 to this,
the compiler mentions promiscuously a great many particulars
about the ancient sacrifices, the different places in which the
services at them were performed, the things used in them, &c,
showing how sincere and earnest those engaged in them must be
to attain to the result mentioned in this last paragraph ; and that
this is the fundamental object of the whole treatise.

I have called attention to this promiscuous nature of the contents
of many of the Books towards the end of them, in the introduc-
tion, page 34, as a characteristic of the collection.

BOOK X. THE Nfel 3EH

OR
THE PATTERN OF THE FAMILY1.

Section I.

i. The sovereign and king orders the chief
minister to send down his (lessons of) virtue to
the millions of the people.

2. Sons2, in serving their parents, on the first
crowing of the cock, should all wash their hands and
rinse their mouths, comb their hair, draw over it the
covering of silk, fix this with the hair-pin, bind the
hair at the roots with the fillet, brush the dust from
that which is left free, and then put on their caps,
leaving the ends of the strings hanging down. They
should then put on their squarely made black jackets,
knee-covers, and girdles, fixing in the last their tablets.
From the left and right of the girdle they should
hang their articles for use : — on the left side, the
duster and handkerchief, the knife and whetstone,
the small spike, and the metal speculum for getting
fire from the sun ; on the right, the archer's thimble
for the thumb and the armlet, the tube for writing
instruments, the knife-case, the larger spike, and the
borer for getting fire from wood. They should put
on their leggings, and adjust their shoe-strings.

1 See the introductory notice, pp. 26, 27.

2 The 'sons' here are young gentlemen of good families, shih
(~frr), who might be employed as ordinary officers.

[27] G g

45°

THE Li Ki. BK. X.

3. (Sons') wives should serve their parents-in-law
as they served their own. At the first crowing of the
cock, they should wash their hands, and rinse their
mouths ; comb their hair, draw over it the covering
of silk, fix this with the hair-pin, and tie the hair at
the roots with the fillet. They should then put on
the jacket, and over it the sash. On the left side
they should hang the duster and handkerchief, the
knife and whetstone, the small spike, and the metal
speculum to get fire with ; and on the right, the
needle-case, thread, and floss, all bestowed in the
satchel, the great spike, and the borer to get fire
with from wood. They will also fasten on their
necklaces1, and adjust their shoe-strings.

4. Thus dressed, they should go to their parents
and parents-in-law. On getting to where they are,
with bated breath and gentle voice, they should ask if
their clothes are (too) warm or (too) cold, whether
they are ill or pained, or uncomfortable in any part ;
and if they be so, they should proceed reverently to
stroke and scratch the place. They should in the
same way, going before or following after, help and
support their parents in quitting or entering (the
apartment). In bringing in the basin for them to
wash, the younger will carry the stand and the elder
the water ; they will beg to be allowed to pour out

1 ' Necklaces ' is only a guess at the meaning. AVzan Hao and
others make the character to mean ' scent bags.' But this also is
only a guess. There is nothing in its form to suggest such a
meaning ; and as many other critics point out, it is inconsistent
vith the usage in paragraph 5. These acknowledge that they do
not understand the phrase ^ |gL See I, i, 3, 34, but the use of
ying there is considered inappropriate here.

SECT. I.

THE NEI SEH. 45 t

the water, and when the washing is concluded, they
will hand the towel. They will ask whether they
want anything, and then respectfully bring it. All
this they will do with an appearance of pleasure to
make their parents feel at ease. (They should bring)
gruel, thick or thin, spirits or must, soup with vege-
tables, beans, wheat, spinach, rice, millet, maize, and
glutinous millet, — whatever they wish, in fact ; with
dates, chestnuts, sugar and honey, to sweeten their
dishes; with the ordinary or the large-leaved violets,
leaves of elm-trees, fresh or dry, and the most
soothing: rice-water to lubricate them ; and with fat
and oil to enrich them. The parents will be sure to
taste them, and when they have done so, the young
people should withdraw1.

5. Youths who have not yet been capped, and
maidens who have not yet assumed the hair-pin, at
the first crowing of the cock, should wash their hands,
rinse their mouths, comb their hair, draw over it the
coverine of silk, brush the dust from that which is
left free, bind it up in the shape of a horn, and put
on their necklaces. They should all hang at their
girdles2 the ornamental (bags of) perfume; and as
soon as it is daybreak, they should (go to) pay their
respects (to their parents) and ask what they will eat

1 The structure of this and the preceding sentences is easy
enough, but it is not easy for a translator to assure himself that he
is rendering every Chinese character by its correct equivalent in
his own language.

2 They hang on these instead of the useful appendages men-
tioned in paragraphs 2 and 3, as being too young to employ these.
This determines the meaning of -^ ^ in the last clause as I
have given it. Zottoli's rendering is : — ' Si nondum comederint,
tunc adjuturi majorcs inspectabunt praeparata.'

Gg2

452 THE L? KL

BK. X.

and drink. If they have eaten already, they should
retire ; if they have not eaten, they will (remain to)
assist their elder (brothers and sisters) and see what
has been prepared.

6. All charged with the care of the inner and
outer parts (of the house), at the first crowing of the
cock, should wash their hands and mouths, gather up
their pillows and fine mats, sprinkle and sweep out
the apartments, hall, and courtyard, and spread the
mats, each doing his proper work. The children
go earlier to bed, and get up later, according to
their pleasure. There is no fixed time for their
meals.

7. From the time that sons receive an official
appointment, they and their father occupy different
parts of their residence. But at the dawn, the son
will pay his respects, and express his affection by (the
offer of) pleasant delicacies. At sunrise he will re-
tire, and he and his father will attend to their
different duties. At sundown, the son will pay his
evening visit in the same way.

8. When the parents wish to sit (anywhere), the
sons and their wives should carry their mats, and ask
in what direction they shall lay them. When they
wish to lie down,- the eldest among them should carry
the mats, and ask where they wish to place their feet,
while the youngest will carry a (small) bench for
them to lean on while they stretch out their legs.
(At the same time) an attendant will place a stool by
them. They should take up the mat on which they
had been lying and the fine mat over it, hang up the
coverlet, put the pillow in its case, and roll up the
fine mat and put it in its cover.

SECT. I. THE NEI 3EH. 453

9. (Sons and their wives) should not move the
clothes, coverlets, fine mats, or undermats, pillows,
and stools of their parents1; they should reverently
regard their staffs and shoes, but not presume to
approach them ; they should not presume to use
their vessels for grain, liquor, and water, unless some
of the contents be left in them ; nor to eat or drink
any of their ordinary food or drink, unless in the
same case.

10. While the parents are both alive, at their
regular meals, morning and evening, the (eldest) son
and his wife will encourage them to eat everything,
and what is left after all, they will themselves eat-.
When the father is dead, and the mother still alive,
the eldest son should wait upon her at her meals ;
and the wives of the other sons will do with what
is left as in the former case. The children should
have the sweet, soft, and unctuous things that are
left.

11. When with their parents, (sons and their
wives), when ordered to do anything, should imme-
diately respond and reverently proceed to do it. In
going forwards or backwards, or turning round, they
should be careful and grave ; while going out or
coming in, while bowing or walking, they should not
presume to eructate, sneeze, or cough, to yawn or
stretch themselves, to stand on one foot, or to lean
against anything, or to look askance. They should
not dare to spit or snivel, nor, if it be cold, to put on
more clothes, nor, if they itch anywhere, to scratch

1 That is, the parents of the husband, and parents-in-law of the
wife.

2 ' That nothing,' says Khung Ying-ta, ' may be served up again.'

454 THE li kL

BK. X.

themselves. Unless for reverent attention to some-
thing1, they should not presume to unbare their
shoulders or chest. Unless it be in wading, they
should not hold up their clothes. Of their private
dress and coverlet, they should not display the inside.
They should not allow the spittle or snivel of their
parents to be seen2. They should ask leave to rinse
away any dirt on their caps or girdles, and to wash
their clothes that are dirty with lye that has been
prepared for the purpose ; and to stitch together, with
needle and thread, any rent

Every five days they should prepare tepid water,
and ask them to take a bath, and every three days
prepare water for them to wash their heads. If in
the meantime their faces appear dirty, they should
heat the water in which the rice has been cleaned,
and ask them to wash with it ; if their feet be dirty,
they should prepare hot water, and ask them to wash
them with it. Elders in serving their youngers, and
the low in serving the noble, should all observe these
rules.

12. The men should not speak of what belongs
to the inside (of the house), nor the women of what
belongs to the outside. Except at sacrifices and
funeral rites, they should not hand vessels to one
another. In all other cases when they have occasion
to give and receive anything, the woman should re-
ceive it in a basket. If she have no basket, they
should both sit down, and the other put the thing on

1 As for archery. The meaning is, I suppose, that none of the
things mentioned should be seen or known, while they are waiting
on their parents.

2 But instantly wipe it off, according to Khan Hao.

SECT. I. THE NKI 3EH. 455

the ground, and she then take it up. Outside or in-
side1, they should not go to the same well, nor to
the same bathing-house. They should not share the
same mat in lying clown ; they should not ask or
borrow anything from one another ; they should not
wear similar upper or lower garments. Things
spoken inside should not go out, words spoken out-
side should not come in. When a man goes into the
interior of the house, he should not whistle nor point.
If he have occasion to move in the night, he should
use a light ; and if he have no light, he should not
stir. When a woman goes out at the door, she must
keep her face covered. She should walk at night
(only) with a light ; and if she have no light, she
should not stir. On the road, a man should take
the right side, and a woman the left.

13. Sons and sons' wives, who are filial and
reverential, when they receive an order from their
parents should not refuse, nor be dilatory, to execute
it2. When (their parents) give them anything to eat
or drink, which they do not like, they will notwith-
standing taste it and wait (for their further orders);
when they give them clothes, which are not to
their mind, they will put them on, and wait (in the
same way) 3. If (their parents) give them anything
to do, and then employ another to take their place,

1 Zottoli has for this — ' viri mulieresque.' The writer is speak-
ing of men and women, indeed ; but the characters have reference
to place, and = ' out of the house or in it.'

2 That is, they will not presume on any indulgence which they
might expect from the impression made by their general character
and behaviour.

3 ' Orders,' consequent on their parents' seeing that the food or
garment is not to their mind.

456 the ii k\.

BK. X.

although they do not like the arrangement, they will
in the meantime give it into his hands and let him
do it, doing it again, if it be not done well.

14. When the sons and their wives are engaged
with laborious tasks, although (their parents) very
much love them, yet they should let them go on with
them for the time ; — it is better that they take other
occasions frequently to give them ease.

When sons and their wives have not been filial
and reverential, (the parents) should not be angry and
resentful with them, but endeavour to instruct them.
If they will not receive instruction, they should then
be angry with them. If that anger do no good, they
can then drive out the son, and send the wife away,
yet not publicly showing why they have so treated
them1.

15. If a parent have a fault, (the son) should with
bated breath, and bland aspect, and gentle voice,
admonish him. If the admonition do not take effect,
he will be the more reverential and the more filial ;
and when the father seems pleased, he will repeat the
admonition. If he should be displeased with this,
rather than allow him to commit an offence aeainst
anyone in the neighbourhood or countryside, (the son)
should strongly remonstrate. If the parent be angry
and (more) displeased, and beat him till the blood

1 This last sentence is enigmatical in the original text. Zottoli
says : — ' Si non possint coerced, filium ejice nurum exclude, quin
tamen patefacius agendi morem ; ' adding as an explanation of
that ' agendi morem,' ' siquidem eos haud certe in finem sic ejectos
voles.' Different views of the Chinese have been given by-
different critics ; and it would not be difficult to add to their
number.

sect. i. the nei 3eii. 457

flows, he should not presume to be angry and resent-
ful, but be (still) more reverential and more filial.

1 6. If parents have a boy born (to the father) by
a handmaid, or the son or grandson of one of his
concubines, of whom they are very fond, their sons
should after their death, not allow their regard for
him to decay so long as they live.

If a son have two concubines, one of whom is
loved by his parents, while he himself loves the
other, yet he should not dare to make this one equal
to the former whom his parents love, in dress, or
food, or the duties which she discharges, nor should
he lessen his attentions to her after their death. If
he very much approves of his wife, and his parents
do not like her, he should divorce her1. If he do not
approve of his wife, and his parents say, 'she serves
us well,' he should behave to her in all respects as
his wife, — without fail even to the end of her life. /

1 7. Although his parents be dead, when a son is
inclined to do what is good, he should think that he
will thereby transmit the good name of his parents,
and carry his wish into effect. When he is inclined
to do what is not good, he should think that he will
thereby bring disgrace on the name of his parents,
and in no wise carry his wish into effect.

18. When her father-in-law is dead, her mother-in-
law takes the place of the old lady2; but the wife of
the eldest son, on all occasions of sacrificing and
receiving guests, must ask her directions in every-

1 Khan Hao quotes here from the Li of the elder Tai (Book
XIII, chapter 26) the 'seven grounds of divorce,' the first of them
being the wife's ' want of accordance with her husband's parents.'
Who now retires from the open headship of the family.

458 the li kI.

BK. X.

thing, while the other sons' wives must ask directions
from her. When her parents-in-law employ the eldest
son's wife, she should not be dilatory, unfriendly, or
impolite to the wives of his brothers (for their not
helping her). When the parents-in-law employ
any of them, they should not presume to consider
themselves on an equality with the other ; walking
side by side with her, or giving their orders in the
same way, or sitting in the same position as she.

19. No daughter-in-law, without being told to go
to her own apartment, should venture to withdraw
from that (of her parents-in-law). Whatever she is
about to do, she should ask leave from them. A son
and his wife should have no private goods, nor
animals, nor vessels ; they should not presume to
borrow from, or give anything to, another person.
If any one give the wife an article of food or dress,
a piece of cloth or silk, a handkerchief for her girdle,
an iris or orchid, she should receive and offer it to
her parents-in-law. If they accept it, she will be
glad as if she were receiving it afresh. If they re-
turn it to her, she should decline it, and if they do
not allow her to do so, she will take it as if it were a
second gift, and lay it by to wait till they may want
it. If she want to give it to some of her own
cousins, she must ask leave to do so, and that being
granted, she will give it.

20. Eldest cousins in the legitimate line of descent
and their brothers should do reverent service to the
son, who is the representative chief of the family
and his wife1. Though they may be richer and

1 These are all legitimate members of the same surname or clan,
but the honoured cousin is the chief of it in the direct line. He is

SECT. I.

the nei 3eh. 459

higher in official rank than he, they should not pre-
sume to enter his house with (the demonstrations of)
their wealth and dignity. Although they may have
in attendance many chariots and footmen, these
should stop outside, and they enter it in more simple
style with a few followers.

If to any of the younger cousins there have been
given vessels, robes, furs, coverlets, carriages and
horses, he must offer the best of them (to his chief),
and then use those that are inferior to this himself.
If what he should thus offer be not proper for the
chief, he will not presume to enter with it at his gate,
not daring to appear with his wealth and dignity, to
be above him who is the head of all the clan with its
uncles and elder cousins.

A wealthy cousin should prepare two victims, and
present the better of them to his chief. He and his
wife should together, after self-purification, reverently
assist at his sacrifice in the ancestral temple. When
the business of that is over, they may venture to
offer their own private sacrifice.

21. Of grain food, there were millet, the glutin-
ous rice, rice, maize, the white millet, and the yellow
maize, cut when ripe, or when green.

Of prepared meats, there were beef soup, mutton
soup, pork soup, and roast beef; pickle, slices of
beef, pickle and minced beef ; roast mutton, slices

the chieftain of the clan. They are heads of subordinate branches
of it. They may have become more wealthy and attained to
higher rank in the service of their common ruler, but within the
limits of the clan, he is their superior, and has duties of sacrifice
to the ancestors of it, with which they cannot of themselves inter-
meddle.

460 THE L$ kL

BK. X.

of mutton, pickle, and roast pork ; pickle, slices of
pork, mustard sauce, and minced fish ; pheasant,
hare, quail, and partridge1.

22. Of drinks, there was must in two vessels,
one strained, the other unstrained, made of rice,
of millet, or of maize. In some cases, thin pre-
parations were used as beverages, as millet gruel,
pickle, with water syrup of prunes, and of steeped
rice ; clear wine and white 2.

Of confections, there were dried cakes, and rice-
flour scones.

23. For relishes, snail-juice and a condiment of
the broad-leaved water -squash were used with
pheasant soup ; a condiment of wheat with soups
of dried slices and of fowl ; broken glutinous rice
with dog soup and hare soup ; the rice-balls mixed
with these soups had no smart-weed in them.

A sucking-pig was stewed, wrapped up in sonchus
leaves and stuffed with smart-weed ; a fowl, with
the same stuffing, and along with pickle sauce ;
a fish, with the same stuffing and egg sauce ; a
tortoise, with the same stuffing and pickle sauce.

For meat spiced and dried they placed the brine
of ants ; for soup made of sliced meat, that of hare ;
for a ragout of elk, that of fish ; for minced fish,
mustard sauce ; for raw elk flesh, pickle sauce ;
for preserved peaches and plums, egg-like suet.

24. All condiments for grain food were of a

1 In all, four rows of prepared meats, consisting of four dishes
each.

2 Both the old wine and occasional wine, mentioned in the note
on page 447, were ' white.' The £iu here, probably, were the
three £iu there.

SECT. t.

THE NEI 3EH. 46T

character corresponding to the spring ; for soup,
to the summer ; for sauces, to the autumn ; and
for beverages, to the winter.

In all attempering ingredients, sour predominated
in the spring; bitter, in the summer; acrid, in the
autumn ; and salt, in the winter : — with the due pro-
portioning of the unctuous and sweet.

The glutinous rice (was thought) to suit beef;
millet, to suit mutton ; glutinous millet, to suit
pork ; maize, to suit dog ; wheat, to suit goose ;
and the broad-leaved squash, to suit fish.

25. Lamb and sucking-pig were (thought to be)
good in spring, fried with odorous (beef) suet ;
dried pheasant and fish, in summer, fried with the
strong-smelling suet (of dog); veal and fawn, in
autumn, fried with strong suet (of fowl) ; fresh
fish and goose, in winter, fried with the frouzy suet
(of goat).

26. There were dried beef, and dried stalks of
deer's flesh, of wild pig's, of elk's, and of the munt-
jac's. Elk's flesh, deer's, wild pig's, and muntjac's,
was (also eaten uncooked ; and) cut in large leaf-
like slices. Pheasants and hares were (made into
soup) with the duckweed. There were sparrows
and finches, partridges, cicadas, bees, lichens, small
chestnuts, the water-caltrops, the hovenia dulcis,
the zizyphus, chestnuts, hazel-nuts, persimmons, cu-
cumbers, peaches, plums, ballaces, almonds, haws,
pears, ginger, and cinnamon l.

1 In this there are the names of more than thirty condiments or
relishes, which, according to most commentators, were, or might
be, served up at the meals of the rulers of states. But from
paragraph 21 we have a list of viands, drinks, and their accom-

462 THE ii k\.

BK. X.

27. If a Great officer, at his ordinary meals, had
mince, he did not have, at the same time, dried
slices of meat ; and if he had the latter, he did
not have the former. An ordinary officer did not
have two kinds of soup, or sliced flesh. (But) old
men of the common people, did not eat their meat
alone without accompaniments.

28. Mince was made in spring, with onions; in
autumn, with the mustard plant. Sucking-pig was
used in spring, with scallions ; in autumn, with smart-
weed. With lard they used onions ; with fat, chives.
With the three victim-animals they used pepper, and
employed pickle as an accompaniment. For wild
animals' flesh they used plums. In quail soup, fowl
soup, and with the curlew, the condiment was smart-
weed. Bream and tench were steamed ; pullets,
roasted ; and pheasants, (boiled), with fragrant herbs
and no smart-weed.

29. Things not eaten were the turtle, when
hatching ; the intestines of the wolf, which were
removed, as also the kidneys of the dog ; the
straight spine of the wild cat ; the rump of the
hare ; the head of the fox ; the brains of the sucking-
pig; the yi-like bowels of fish1; and the perforated
openings of the turtle *.

30. (Bones and sinews) were taken from the
flesh ; the scales were scraped from fish ; dates
were made to appear as new ; chestnuts were

paniments with no information as to when and by whom they were
used. To descend to further particulars about them would be
troublesome.

1 ZLr It is uncertain what some of these forbidden articles
really were.

SECT. I.

THE NEI 3 EH. 463

selected ; peaches were made smooth ; /t'a and pears
had the insects drilled out of them l.

31. When an ox lowed at night, its flesh was
(considered) to be rank ; that of a sheep, whose long-
hair showed a tendency to get matted, to be frouzy ;
that of a dog which was uneasy and with (the inside
of) its thighs red, to be coarse ; that of birds when
moultinsr and with their voices hoarse, to be fetid ;
that of pigs, when they looked upwards and closed
their eyes, to be measly; that of a horse, black
along the spine and with piebald fore-legs, to smell
unpleasantly.

A pullet, whose tail could not be grasped by the
hand, was not eaten, nor the rump of a tame goose,
nor the ribs of a swan or owl, nor the rump of a
tame duck, nor the liver of a fowl, nor the kidneys
of a wild goose, nor the gizzard of the wild goose
without the hind-toe, nor the stomach of the deer.

32. Flesh cut small was made into mince ; cut
into slices it was made into hash. Some say that
the flesh of elks, deer, and fish was pickled ; that
of muntjacs also, being cut in small pieces ; that of
fowls and wild pigs; in larger pieces ; of hares, the
stomach was pickled. Onions and scallions were
mixed with the brine to soften the meat2.

1 The explanation of these brief notes is also perplexing.
Zoltoli makes the H to have been a kind of medlar (azarolus).
Medhurst calls it, after the Khang-hsi dictionary, ' a kind of pear.'
Williams, explaining it under a synonym (of the same sound),
1 a sour red fruit of the size of a cherry, a kind of hawthorn.'

2 The manner of these preparations has not been definitely
explained. The meaning is uncertain. So also is what is said of
the cupboards in the next paragraph.

464 THE Li A'f.

BK. X.

33. Soup and boiled grain were used by all, from
the princes down to the common people, without dis-
tinction of degree. Great officers did not regularly
have savoury meat, but when seventy they had
their cupboards. The cupboards of the son of
Heaven were five on the right (of the dining hall),
and five on the left ; those of dukes, marquises,
and earls were five, all in one room ; those of
Great officers three (in a side chamber), and other
officers had one on their buffet.

Section II.

1. In nourishing the aged1, (Shun), the lord of
Yti, used the ceremonies of a drinking entertain-
ment ; the sovereigns of Hsia, those (at entertain-
ments after) a reverent sacrifice or offering ; the
men of Yin, those of a (substantial) feast ; and the
men of A^au cultivated and used all the three 2.

Those of fifty years were entertained in the
schools of the districts ; those of sixty, in the school
of the capital ; and those of seventy, in the college.
This rule extended to the feudal states. An old man
of eighty made his acknowledgment for the ruler's
invitation by kneeling once and bringing his head
to the ground twice. The blind did the same. An

1 Khzn. Hao says : — The nourishment of the aged took place in
four cases : 1st, in the case of the three classes of ancients ; 2nd, in
that of the father and grandfather of one who had died in the
service of the country; 3rd, in that of officers who had retired
from age ; and 4th, in that of the aged of the common people.
On seven occasions of the year it was done formally.

2 On the different designations of the dynasties, see on Con-
fucian Analects, III, 21.

SECT. II.

THE NEI 3EH. 46;

old man of ninety employed another to receive (the
message and gift for him).

For those of fifty, the grain was (fine and) differ-
ent (from that used by younger men). For those of
sixty, there was meat kept in store (from the day
before). For those of seventy, there was a second
service of savoury meat. Those of eighty were sup-
plied regularly with delicacies. For those of ninety,
food and drink were never out of their chambers ;
wherever they wandered, it was deemed right that
savoury meat and drink should follow them.

After sixty (the coffin and other things for the
funeral) were seen to be in readiness (once) a year ;
after seventy, once a season ; after eighty, once a
month ; and after ninety, they were every day kept
in good repair. The bandages, however, the sheet,
the larger coverlets, and the cases were prepared
after death1.

At fifty, one was supposed to begin to decay ; at
sixty, not to feel satisfied unless he had flesh to eat.
At seventy, he was thought to require silk in order
to make him feel warm ; at eighty, to need some
one (to sleep) with him, to keep him warm ; and at
ninety, not to feel warm even with that.

At fifty, one kept his staff in his hand in the
family ; at sixty, in his district ; at seventy, in the
city ; at eighty, (an officer) did so in the court. If
the son of Heaven wished to put questions to (an
officer of) ninety, he went to his house, and had rich
food carried after him.

1 The sheet was for the slighter dressing of the corpse imme-
diately after death; the coverlets for the fuller dressing at the coffin-
ing; the cases were for the upper part of the corpse and for the
legs.

[27] 11 h

466 THE Li A'f.

BK. K.

At seventy, (an officer) did not wait till the court
was over (before he retired). At eighty, he re-
ported every month (to the ruler's messenger) that
he was still alive ; at ninety, he had (delicate food)
sent to him regularly every day.

At fifty, one was not employed in services re-
quiring strength ; at sixty, he was discharged from
bearing arms along with others ; at seventy, he was
exempted from the business of receiving guests and
visitors ; at eighty, he was free from the abstinences
and other rites of mourning.

When one received at fifty the rank (of a Great
officer), at sixty he did not go in person to the
school 1. At seventy he resigned office ; and then
and afterwards, in mourning he used only the un-
hemmed dress of sackcloth (without adopting the
privations of the mourning rites)1.

The kings of the three dynasties, in nourishing the
old, always caused the members of families who were
advanced in years to be brought to their notice2.
Where an officer was eighty, one of his friends was
free from all service of government ; where he was
ninety, all the members of his family were exempted
from them. So also it was in the case of the blind.

(Shun), the lord of Yii, entertained the aged (who
had retired from the service) of the state in (the
school called) the higher hsiang, and the aged of
the common people in (the school called) the lower

1 Does this intimate, that if he had learned better at school,
when young, he might have become a Great officer earlier ? He
was now too old to learn.

2 The government could not attend to all the aged ; but it
wished to hear of all cases of remarkable age, and would then do
what it could for them.

SECT. II.

the nei 3eh. 467

hsiang. The sovereigns of the line of H si a enter-
tained the former in (the school called) the hsti on
the east, and the latter in (that called) the hsu on
the west. The men of Yin entertained the former in
the School of the Right, and the latter in that of the
Left. The men of A'au entertained the former in
the /C-iao on the east, and the latter in the Yii hsiang.
This was in the suburb of the capital on the west.

The lord of Yii wore the hwang cap in sacrificing
(in the ancestral temple), and the white robes in
entertaining the aged. The sovereigns of Hsia
sacrificed in the shan cap, and entertained the aged
in the dark garments of undress. Those of Yin
sacrificed in the hsli cap, and entertained in the gar-
ments of white thin silk. Those of A"au sacrificed
in the mien cap, and entertained the aged in the
dark upper garment (and the lower white one)1.

2. 3ang-jze said. 'A filial son, in nourishing his
aged, (seeks to) make their hearts glad, and not to
go against their wishes ; to promote their comfort in
their bed-chambers and the whole house ; and with
leal heart to supply them with their food and drink:
— such is the filial son to the end of life. By "the
end of life," I mean not the end of parents' lives, but
the end of his own life. Thus what his parents loved
he will love, and what they reverenced he will
reverence. He will do so even in regard to all their

1 The above long paragraph constitutes, with very little differ-
ence, the first twelve paragraphs of Section V of Book III. ATu
Hsi says that in this Book we have ' old text,' whereas Book III is
a compilation of the Han dynasty; and that the authors of it
incorporated this passage. I am willing to allow that they did so ;
but it may be doubted if this Book in its present form be older
than the time of Han.

11 h 2

468 THE LI Kl. BK. X.

dogs and horses, and how much more in regard to
the men (whom they valued)!'

3. In all their nourishment of the aged, (the object
of) the five Tis was to imitate (their virtue), while
the kings of the three dynasties also begged them
to speak (their lessons). The five Tis taking them
as models, sought to nourish their bodily vigour, and
did not beg them to speak ; but what good lessons
they did speak were taken down by the faithful
recorders. The three (lines of) kings also took them
as models, and after nourishing their age begged
them to speak. If they (seemed to) diminish the
ceremonies (of entertainment), they all had their
faithful recorders as well (to narrate their virtue).

4. For the Rich Fry, they put the pickled meat
fried over rice that had been grown on a dry soil,
and then enriched it with melted fat. This was
called the Rich Fry.

5. For the Similar Fry, they put the pickled
meat fried over the millet grains, and enriched it
with melted fat. This was called the Similar Fry.

6. For the Bake, they took a sucking-pig or a
(young) ram, and having cut it open and removed
the entrails, filled the belly with dates. They then
wrapped it round with straw and reeds, which they
plastered with clay, and baked it. When the clay
was all dry, they broke it off. Having washed their
hands for the manipulation, they removed the crack-
ling and macerated it along with rice-flour, so as to
form a kind of gruel which they added to the pig.
They then fried the whole in such a quantity of
melted fat as to cover it. Having prepared a large
pan of hot water, they placed in it a small tripod,

SECT. II.

the nei 3eh. 469

which was filled with fragrant herbs, and the slices of
the creature which was being prepared. They took
care that the hot water did not cover this tripod, but
kept up the fire without intermission for three days
and nights. After this, the whole was served up
with the addition of pickled meat and vinegar.

7. For the Pounded Delicacy, they took the
flesh of ox, sheep, elk, deer and muntjac, a part of
that which lay along the spine, the same in quantity
of each, and beat it now as it lay flat, and then
turning it on its side ; after that they extracted all
the nerves. (Next), when it was sufficiently cooked,
they brought it (from the pan), took away the outside
crust, and softened the meat (by the addition of
pickle and vinegar).

8. For the Steeped Delicacy, they took the
beef, which was required to be that of a newly killed
animal, and cut it into small pieces, taking care to
obliterate all the lines in it. It was then steeped
from one morning to the next in good wine, when it
was eaten with pickle, vinegar, or the juice of prunes.

9. To make the Grill, they beat the beef and
removed the skinny parts. They then laid it on a
frame of reeds, sprinkled on it pieces of cinnamon
and ginger, and added salt. It could be eaten thus
when dried. Mutton was treated in the same way
as beef, and also the flesh of elk, deer, and muntjac.
If they wished the flesh wet, they added water and
fried it with pickled meat. If they wished it dry,
they ate it as eaten (at first).

10. For the (Soup) Balls, they took equal quan-
tities of beef, mutton and pork, and cut them small.
Then they took grains of rice, which they mixed

470 THE LI Kl. BK. x.

with the finely cut meat, two parts of rice to one of
meat, and formed cakes or balls, which they fried.

ii. For the Liver and Fat, they took a dog's
liver, and wrapped it round with its own fat. They
then wet it and roasted it, and took it in this con-
dition and scorched it. No smartweed was mixed
with the fat.

1 2. They took the grains of rice and steeped them
in prepared rice-water. They then cut small the fat
from a wolfs breast, and with it and the grains of
rice made a fry1.

13. The observances of propriety commence with
a careful attention to the relations between husband
and wife. They built the mansion and its apart-
ments, distinguishing between the exterior and in-
terior parts. The men occupied the exterior ; the
women the interior. The mansion was deep, and
the doors were strong, guarded by porter and eunuch.
The men did not enter the interior ; the women did
not come out into the exterior.

14. Males and females did not use the same stand
or rack for their clothes. The wife did not presume
to hang up anything on the pegs or stand of her
husband ; nor to put anything in his boxes or
satchels ; nor to share his bathing-house. When
her husband had gone out (from their apartment),
she put his pillow in its case, rolled up his upper and
under mats, put them in their covers, and laid them
away in their proper receptacles. The young served
the old ; the low served the noble ; — also in this way.

1 This and the other paragraphs from 4 are understood to
describe the 'eight delicacies (/\. 3^),' which were specially
prepared for the old. See the Kau Li, Book IV, par. 18.

SECT. II.

THE NKI 3EH. 47 1

15. As between husband and wife, it was not until
the)- were seventy, that they deposited these things in
the same place without separation. Hence though a
concubine were old, until she had completed her
fiftieth year, it was the rule that she should be with
the husband (once) in five days. When she was to do
so, she purified herself, rinsed her mouth and washed,
carefully adjusted her dress, combed her hair, drew
over it the covering of silk, fixed her hair-pins, tied
up the hair in the shape of a horn, brushed the dust
from the rest of her hair, put on her necklace, and
adjusted her shoe-strings. Even a favourite concu-
bine was required in dress and diet to come after her
superior. If the wife were not with the husband,
a concubine waiting on him, would not venture to
remain the whole night1.

16. When a wife was about to have a child, and
the month of her confinement had arrived, she
occupied one of the side apartments, where her
husband sent twice a day to ask for her. If he
were moved and came himself to ask about her 2,
she did not presume to see him, but made her
governess dress herself and reply to him.

When the child was born, the husband again sent
twice a day to inquire for her. He fasted now, and
did not enter the door of the side apartment. If
the child were a boy, a bow was placed on the left
of the door ; and if a girl, a handkerchief on the

1 This paragraph has given rise to a great deal of discussion
and writing among the commentators, into which it is not desirable
to enter.

2 The first character in this clause occasions difficulty to a
translator. Zottoli has : — ' Negotiisque ipsemet interrogabit illam.'
Wang Tao understands it as I have done.

472

THE hi kI. bk. x.

right of it. After three days the child began to be
carried, and some archery was practised for a boy,
but not for a girl.

17. When a son and heir to the ruler of a state
was born, and information of the fact was carried to
him, he made arrangements to receive him at a
feast where the three animals should all be pro-
vided ; and the cook took in hand the (necessary)
preparations. On the third day the tortoise-shell
was consulted for a good man to carry the child ;
and he who was the lucky choice, kept a vigil over
night, and then in his court robes, received him in
his arms outside the chamber. The master of the
archers then took a bow of mulberry wood, and six
arrows of the wild rubus, and shot towards heaven,
earth, and the four cardinal points. After this the
nurse received the child and carried it in her arms.
The cook (at the same time) gave (a cup of) sweet
wine to the man who had carried the child, and
presented him with a bundle of silks, and the
tortoise-shell was again employed to determine the
wife of an officer, or the concubine of a Great
officer, who should be nurse.

18. In all cases of receiving a son, a day was
chosen ; and if it were the eldest son of the king, the
three animals were killed (for the occasion). For
the son of a common man, a sucking-pig was killed ;
for the son of an officer, a single pig ; for the son of
a Great officer, the two smaller animals ; and for
the son of the ruler of a state, all the three. If it
were not the eldest son, the provision was diminished
in every case one degree.

19. A special apartment was prepared in the

sect. ii. THE NEI 3EH. 473

palace for the child, and from all the concubines and
other likely individuals there was sought one dis-
tinguished for her generosity of mind, her gentle
kindness, her mild integrity, her respectful bearing,
her carefulness and freedom from talkativeness, who
should be appointed the boy's teacher ; one was
next chosen who should be his indulgent mother,
and a third who should be his guardian mother.
These all lived in his apartment, which others did
not enter unless on some (special) business.

20. At the end of the third month a day was
chosen for shaving off the hair of the child, except-
ing certain portions, — the horn-like tufts of a boy,
and the circlet on the crown of a girl. If another
fashion were adopted, a portion was left on the left of
the boy's head, and on the right of the girl's. On
that day the wife with the son appeared before the
father. If they were of noble families, they were
both in full dress. From the commissioned officer
downwards, all rinsed their mouths and washed
their heads. Husband and wife rose early, bathed
and dressed as for the feast of the first day of the
month. The husband entered the door, going up
by the steps on the east, and stood at the top of
them with his face to the west. The wife with the
boy in her arms came forth from her room and
stood beneath the lintel with her face to the east.

21. The governess then went forward and said
for the lady, 'The mother, So and So, ventures to-day
reverently to present to you the child!' The hus-
band replied, ' Reverently (teach him to) follow the
right way.' He then took hold of the right hand of
his son, and named him with the smile and voice of
a child. The wife responded, 'We will remember.

474 THE L^ K*-

BK. X.

May your words be fulfilled !' She then turned to
the left, and delivered the child to his teacher, who on
her part told the name all round to the wives of the
relatives of all ranks who were present. The wife
forthwith proceeded to the (festal) chamber.

22. The husband informed his principal officer
of the name, and he in turn informed all the (young)
males (of the same surname) of it. A record was
made to the effect — ' In such a year, in such a
month, on such a day, So and So was born,' and
deposited. The officer also informed the secre-
taries of the hamlets, who made out two copies of it.
One of these was deposited in the office of the
village, and the other was presented to the secretary
of the larger circuit, who showed it to the chief of
the circuit ; he again ordered it to be deposited in
the office of the circuit. The husband meanwhile
had gone into (the festal chamber), and a feast was
celebrated with the ceremonies of that with which
a wife first entertains her parents-in-law.

23. When an heir-son has been born, the ruler
washed his head and whole body, and put on his
court robes. His wife did the same, and then they
both took their station at the top of the stairs on
the east with their faces towards the west. One of
the ladies of quality, with the child in her arms,
ascended by the steps on the west. The ruler then
named the child ; and (the lady) went down with it.

24. A (second) son or any other son by the wife
proper was presented in the outer chamber1, when

1 It seems plain that the sons in this paragraph were all by the
proper wife or chief lady of the harem, for it is not till paragraph
26 that sons by inferior members of it are spoken of. The A7/ien-

sect. ii. the nei 3eii. 475

(the ruler) laid his hand on its head, and with gentle
voice named it. The other observances were as be-
fore, but without any words.

25. In naming a son, the name should not be
that of a day or a month or of any state, or of any
hidden ailment1. Sons of Great and other officers
must not be called by the same name as the heir-son
of the ruler.

26. When a concubine was about to have a child,
and the month of her confinement had arrived, the
husband sent once a day to ask for her. When the
son was born, at the end of three months, she washed
her mouth and feet, adjusted herself early in the
morning and appeared in the inner chamber (belong-
ing to the wife proper). There she was received
with the ceremonies of her first entrance into the
harem. When the husband had eaten, a special por-
tion of what was left was given to her by herself ; and
forthwith she entered on her duties of attendance.

27. When the child of an inferior member of the
ruler's harem was about to be born, the mother went
to one of the side apartments, and at the end of three
months, having washed her head and person, and

lung editors clearly establish this point. A'ang Hsiian took a dif-
ferent view, saying that ' " the (second) son " was a brother of the
heir-son (in paragraph 23), and " any other son " a son by a concu-
bine,' and P. Zottoli adopts this view: — ' Reguli haeres (4ff- -4^-),
ejus germanus frater (^j -^-), a subnuba filius (JiF Hp),*' add-
ing, ' Regulus excipiebat primum in praecipua diaeta (ffi& jjft;) ;
secundum in postica diaeta (^ §M), quae hie exterior dicitur
relate ad adjacentes aedes, quibus nobilis puerpcra morari solebat ;
tertium excipiebat in adjacentibus aedibus (|[||J *^t).' But these
' side apartments' are not mentioned till paragraph 27.
1 See page 78, paragraph 42.

476 THE Li Kl.

BK. X.

put on her court robes, she appeared before the ruler.
(One of) her waiting women (also) appeared with the
child in her arms. If (the mother) was one to whom
the ruler had given special favours, he himself named
the son. In the case of such children generally, an
officer was employed to name them.

28. Among the common people who had no side
chambers, when the month of confinement was come,
the husband left his bed-chamber, and occupied a
common apartment. In his inquiries for his wife,
however, and on his son's being presented to him,
there was no difference (from the observances that
have been detailed).

29. In all cases though the father is alive, the
grandson is presented to the grandfather, who also
names him. The ceremonies are the same as when
the son is presented to the father; but there is
no (interchange of) words (between the mother and
him).

30. The nurse of the ruler's boy1 quitted the
palace after three years, and, when she appeared
before the ruler, was rewarded for her toilsome work.
The son of a Great officer had a nurse. The wife of
an ordinary officer nourished her child herself.

31. The son of a commissioned officer and others
above him on to the Great officer was presented (to
the father once) in ten days. The eldest son of a
ruler was presented to him before he had eaten, when
he took him by the right hand ; his second or any
other son by the wife proper 2 was presented after he
had eaten, when he laid his hand on his head.

32. When the child was able to take its own food,

1 See above, par. 17. 2 See above, par. 24.

SECT. ii. THE NEI SEH. 477

it was taught to use the right hand. When it was
able to speak, a boy (was taught to) respond boldly
and clearly ; a girl, submissively and low. The
former was fitted with a girdle of leather ; the latter,
with one of silk1.

1 The account which follows this of the teaching and training of
the brothers and sisters is interesting ; and we may compare it with
what is said in volume iii, p. 350, of the different reception given to
sons and daughters in the royal family, though the distinction be-
tween them is not accentuated here so strongly. The passage
treats of the children in a family of the higher classes, but those of
the common people would be dealt with in a corresponding manner
according to their circumstances. And even in the early feudal
times the way was open for talent and character to rise from the
lower ranks in the social scale, and be admitted to official employ-
ment. The system of competitive examinations was even then
casting a shadow before. To number the days was, and is, a more
complicated affair in China than with us, requiring an acquaintance
with all the terms of the cycle of sixty, as well as the more com-
pendious method by decades for each month. The education of a
boy, it will be seen, comprehended much more than what we call
the three Rs. The conclusion of paragraph 33 gives the translator
some difficulty. Zottoli has — 'et petet exerceri lectionibus ser-
monisque veritate,' and my own first draft was — ' he would ask to
be exercised in (reading) the tablets, and in truthful speaking.'
But it is making too much of the boys of ancient China to repre-
sent them as anxious to be taught to speak the truth. The meaning
of the concluding characters, as given in the text, is that assigned to
them by ^Tang Hsiian.

There is nothing in what is said of the daughters to indicate that
they received any literary training. They were taught simply the
household duties that would devolve on them in their state of
society ; though among them, be it observed, were the forms and
provision for sacrifice and worship. It will be observed, also, at
how early an age all close intercourse between them and their
brothers came to an end, and that at ten they ceased to go out
from the women's apartments. On what is said about the young
men marrying at the age of thirty I have spoken in a note on
page 65.

478 THE LI Kl. BK. x.

33. At six years, they were taught the numbers
and the names of the cardinal points ; at the age of
seven, boys and girls did not occupy the same mat
nor eat together ; at eight, when going out or coming
in at a gate or door, and going to their mats to eat and
drink, they were required to follow their elders : — the
teaching of yielding to others was now begun ; at
nine, they were taught how to number the days.

At ten, (the boy) went to a master outside, and
stayed with him (even) over the night. He learned
the (different classes of) characters and calculation ;
he did not wear his jacket or trousers of silk ; in his
manners he followed his early lessons ; morning and
evening he learned the behaviour of a youth ; he
would ask to be exercised in (reading) the tablets,
and in the forms of polite conversation.

34. At thirteen, he learned music, and to repeat
the odes, and to dance the ko (of the duke of Aau)1.
When a full-grown lad, he danced the hsiang (of
kingWu)1. He learned archery and chariot-driving.
At twenty, he was capped, and first learned the
(different classes of) ceremonies, and might wear
furs and silk. He danced the ta. hsia (of Yti)\
and attended sedulously to filial and fraternal duties.
He might become very learned, but did not teach
others ; — (his object being still) to receive and not
to give out.

35. At thirty, he had a wife, and began to attend

1 It is difficult to describe exactly, amid the conflict of different
views, these several dances. Dances were of two kinds, the civil
and military. The £0 was, perhaps, the first of the civil dances,
ascribed to the duke of Khx (vol. iii, p. 334); and the hsiang,
the first of the martial. The two are said to have been combined
in the ta hsia.

SECT. II. THE NEI 3EH. 479

to the business proper to a man. He extended
his learning without confining it to particular sub-
jects. He was deferential to his friends, having
regard to the aims (which they displayed). At
forty, he was first appointed to office ; and according
to the business of it brought out his plans and
communicated his thoughts. If the ways (which he
proposed) were suitable, he followed them out ; if
they were not, he abandoned them. At fifty, he
was appointed a Great officer, and laboured in the
administration of his department. At seventy, he
retired from his duties. In all salutations of males,
the upper place was given to the left hand.

36. A girl at the age of ten ceased to go out
(from the women's apartments). Her governess
taught her (the arts of) pleasing speech and manners,
to be docile and obedient, to handle the hempen
fibres, to deal with the cocoons, to weave silks and
form fillets, to learn (all) woman's work, how to fur-
nish garments, to watch the sacrifices, to supply the
liquors and sauces, to fill the various stands and
dishes with pickles and brine, and to assist in setting
forth the appurtenances for the ceremonies.

3J. At fifteen, she assumed the hair-pin ; at twenty,
she was married, or, if there were occasion (for the
delay), at twenty- three. If there were the betrothal
rites, she became a wife ; and if she went without
these, a concubine. In all salutations of females, the
upper place was given to the right hand.

TRANSLITERATION OF ORIENTAL ALPHABETS.

48l

r s

z
<
y.
o

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